
Class. 
Book 



, 



" 

THE 
ITTCTADV 



THE 

HISTORY 

OF 



THE WAR, 

BETWEEN THE 

UNITED STATES AND GREAT- BRITAIN, 

WHICH COMMENCES IN JUNE, 1812, AND CJuOir D IN FEB. 1815 J 

CONTAINING 
THE CORRESPONDENCE WHICB PASSED BETWEEN 
THE TWO GOVERNMENTS, IMMEDIATELY PRE- 
CEDING, AND SINCE HOSTILITIES COMMENC- 
ED ; THE DECLARATION OP WAR, AND 
THE OFFICIAL REPORTS OF LAND 
AND NAVAL ENGAGEMENTS. 

COMPILED ©HIEFL.Y FROM 

PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 

WITH AN 

APPENDIX, 

CONTAINING 

THE CORRESPONDENCE WHICH PASSED BETWEEN OUR COMMISSION- 
ERS, AND THOSE APPOINTED BY GREAT BRITAIN, IN TREATING FOR 

PEACE. 

TO WHICH IS ADDED, 

THE TREATY OF PEACE, 

AND A LIST OF VESSELS TAKEN FROM G. BRITAIN 
DURING THE WAR. 



COMPILED 

By J. RUSSELL, Jr, 



HARTFORD. 
PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY B. & J. RUSSELL 

1815. 



1 ■ 



District of Connecticut, ss. 

flT£? nE IT -REMEMBERED* Thai on the 
Tt^J^X tenth day of July, in the Fortieth year of 
the Independence of the United States of America, 
B. SC J. Russell, of the said District, deposited in this 
office the title of a Hook, the right whereof they claim 
as Proprietors, in the words following ', to wit, 

* The History of the War, between the United Slates 
1 and Great Britain, which commenced in June, 1812, 

* and closed in Feb 1815, containing the correspondence 

* which passed between the two Governments immedi- 

* ately preceding and since hostilities commenced ; the 
1 declaration q) War, and the official reports of land 
« and naval engagements, compiled chiefly from public 

* documents. With an appendix, containing the cor- 
i rcspondeuce which passed between our Commissioners 
' and those appointed by Great Britain, in treating for 

* peace. To which is added the Treaty of Peace, and 
' a list of vessels taken from Great Britain during 
1 the War. Compiled by J. RUSSELL, Jr.' 

In conformity to t lie act of the Congress of the Uni- 
ted States, entitled, " An act for the encouragement of 
" learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and 
" boohs, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, 
'* during the times therein mentioned." 

HENRY W. EDWARDS. 
Clerk of the District of Connecticut, 
A true copy of Record, examined and sealed by me, 
11. W. Edwards, 

Clerk of the District of Connecticut 



INTRODUCTION. 



AN history of recent transactions, must always 
DC executed under many, and great disadvantages. 

In a time of war, many important occurrences are 
but imperfectly known, till the truth is elicited by legal 
investigation ; and, in addition to this, the feelings of 
men are so ardent, that an author cannot be expected 
to be wholly impartial, when recounting those events, 
in which himself, or his friends, have acted a conspi- 
cuous part. 

The publishers were, therefore, of opinion, that at 
the present time, the most useful History of the War, 
would be a faithful collection of Official rotate Papers, 
and accounts of Military operations. Such a work 
cannot be taxed with partiality; and, it is presumed, 
will be perused with interest by every American, vtho 
values his national rights, and whose bosom glows, at 
the recital of those deeds of valor, which have exalt 
ed the honor of his country. 

If, in some instances, Commanding Officers have 
seemed to manifest a want of candor, it ought still to 
be remembered by the public, that they wrote in the 
heat of the occasion ; and, often, while agonizing un- 
der wounds received from an exasperated enemy. 
■Modern Histories of Campaigns, are not, to say the 
least, more candid, and are, surely, less entitled to 
apology. This collection of Documents can never 
become a useless volume ; for, besides furnishing the 
best evidence of fact to (lie inquisitive reader, and fu- 
ture historian, it is a ready manuel, by which every en- 
quirer after truth, can at once adduce the best e\ idence 
on questions which affect the character of the Ameri- 
can nation, relative to her military prowess. Our 
readers will feel satisfied, alter its perusal, that they 
possess all the Official information, which can he ob- 
tained, relative to the military movements, and bj 



IV INTRODUCTION. 

very and skill of our countrymen in the field of battle. 
Perhaps, in some instances, the losses and sufferings 
of the armies of both nations, have not been fully as- 
certained ; so wide is the Held, that it is somewhat 
difficult to collect all the facts. On the water, where 
we have been peculiarly successful, the official ac- 
counts more fully and explicitly state the loss, as well 
as the comparative skill and bravery of the contend- 
ing- parties. 

In the list of public and private vessels taken from 
the enemy during the war, we have not given the 
whole number of men and guns, as it was never offi- 
cially stated on board of a large proportion of the 
merchant vessels. In every instance of this kind, 
where we could not obtain correct information, we 
have left the number blank. We are sorry to say it is 
wholly out of our power to accompany the list of 
prizes with a correct list of the vessels we have lost ; 
the enemy never having made a public statement 
of their prizes, we could not collect them from any 
authentic source. 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER I. 

Page 
ent's Message, 9 

Messrs. MoDroe and Foster's Official Letters, relating to the 
Orders in Council, Blockades, and Impressment ot Seamen, 

1 6, 25, 26, 27, 30, 43, 52, 53, 60 
Adjustment of the affair of the Chesapeake Frigate, 66 

Monroe and Foster's Letters relating to the Chesapeake affair, 

67,68,69, 70 
" relating to the Berlin and Milan Decrees, 71,82 



CHAPTER II. 

President's Message, 75 

Monroe and Foster's Letters relating to the Non-Importation 
Act, 76, 80 

CHAPTER III. 

The President's Manifesto, , 85 

Report of the committee on Foreign Relations, 94 

Declaration of War, 109 

Yeas, and Nays, on the Declaration of War, in the Senate, and 

House of Representatives, ibid. 

Promulgation of the Declaration of War, 111 

CHAPTER IV. 

The first Prisoner, 112 P 

The first Prize, 113 

Monroe and Foster's Letters, relating to the Orders in Council, 

and Berlinand Milan Decrees, 113, 117, 119 

President's Message, 122 

Mr. Russell and Lord Ca9tlereagh's Letters relating to the 

Orders in Council, 122, 123 

Order in Council, 131 

Loss of Gen. Hull's baggage, 133 

Hull's Proclamation, to the Canadians, ibid. 

Skirmishing, near Sandwich, 135 



VI CONTENTS. 

Canadian Militia join Gen. Hull, 

Capt Hull's, Victory, 

Orders in Council Revoked, 138 

Gen. Hull's Statement of his Surrender, 

Vanhorn's Defeat, 

Battle at the river Raisin, 

Articles of capitulation of Hull's army, and Michigan Territory, i53 

Colonels Cass, M'Arthur, Findley and Miller remonstrate 

against Gen. Hull's conduct, 154 

Gen Brock's Proclamation, to the Inhabitants of Michi 

Territory, 161 
A card from Col. Symmes to Gen. Brock, 162 
Capt. Porter's Victory, ibid. 
" " Letter, 163 
Defence of Fort Harrison, 164 
Majors Jessup and Taylors' corroboration of Col. Cass' state- 
ment, 168 
Skirmishing at St. John's river, rbid 
" " at Cananoque and Ogdensburg, 1 69 
Affair at St. Regis, 170 
Capt. Elliot's victory, 171 
Evacuation of Port Chicago, 174 
Com Chauncey's battle in Kingston harbor, 177 
Battle of Queenston, A 179 



CHAPTER V. 

« 

Monroe, Graham, Russell, and Castlereagh's Letters, 

186,188. 191, 195, 198,200 201 

Mr. Monroe and Sir J. B Warren's Correspondence, 202, 204 

British Challange, and American Acceptance, 208 

CHAPTER VI. 

Capt. Jones' Victory and Capture, 209 

Com. Decatur's Victory, 211 

Com. Bainbridge's Victory, / -12 

Capt. Lawrence's Victory, 21 T 

CHAPTER VII. 

Capture of Little York, 220, 223, 225 

Gen. Winchester's Defeat, 226 

Massacre of Winchester's Army, 229 

Indian Expedition, 231 

Gen. Smyth's Expedition, 232 

Capt. Forsyth's Expedition, 233 



CONTENTS. VH 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Harrison's Battle at Lower Sandusky, 233, 238 
Capture of Fort George, 237, 238 
Capture of Fort Erie, ibid. 
Cnn. Chauneey's Letter to the Secretary of the Navy con- 
veying the British Standard, taken at York, 241 
Batile at forty mile creek, ibid 
Attack on Sackett's Harbor, 242 
Naval Expedition from Sackett's Harbor, 244 
Major Croghan's Victory, 245 
Loss of the Frigate Chesapeake, ibid 
Capture of Little York, the second time, 248 
Burning of Sodus, 249 
Attack on Craney Island, ibid. 
Capture of Hampton, 250, 251 
Murder of John B. Graves, 252 
Skirmishing at Fort George, ibid. 
Destruction of Indian towns, 253 
A Yankee Trick, ibid. 
Capt. Burrows' Victory, 254 

CHAPTER IX. 

Perry's Victory, 255, 256, 257 

Capture of the Dominico, 259 

Capture of Maiden, ibid. 

Gen Harrison's Victory, 260 

Fruits of Harrison's Victory, 267 

Tecumseh's Speech to Gen. Proctor, ibid. 

Com. Chauneey's Victory, 269 

Something Singular 270 

Com. Rogers' cruise, ibid. 

Col Clarke's Expedition, 271 

Massacre at Fort Tensaw, 272 

Harrison and Perry's Proclamation, 274 

Wilkinson and Hampton's Expedition, 275 

CHAPTER X. 

Gens. Jackson, White, and Coffee's Victories, over the Creek 

Indians, 276, 277, 278, 280, 284, 288 

Gen Floyd's Victory, 281 283 

Gen. Claiborne's Victory 282 

CHAPTER XI. 

Capt. Porter's cruise, 290 

Loss of Fort Niagara, 292 
Burning of Buffalo, nnd Black Ro 



Vlll CONTENTS. 

Capt. Holmes' Victory, 295 

Battle at Stoney Creek, 296 

Capt Warrinetofi's Victory, ibid. 

Loss of the Es->ex frigate, 298 

Capru-e of Oswego, 302 
Gen. Brown's Victories, SOi, 506 

CHAPTER XII. 

Capitulation of Alexandria. 309 
Capture of Washington City, 310, 312 
Cora. Macdonough's Victory, 314, 315 

Buinine of Pettipauge, 3i7 

Attack on Stonington, 318 

Gen Gains' Victory, ibid. 

Attack on Baltimore, 321 

Attack on For: B >wyer, 324 

Gen. Brown's V"-'ory, ibid. 

Gen. Macomb'** Vicf^ry, 327 

Capt Biakeley's Victory, 328 

Destruction of the Avon, 329 

Expedition from Detroit, 330 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Capture of Pensacola, 331 
Gen Jacks.m's Victories at New-Orleans, 333, 334 

Lieut Shield's Expedition from New-Orleans, 336 

Lieut Johnson's E ;»edition from New-Orleans, 337 

G^n Jackson's Address to his army, ibid. 

Capture of f he frigate President, 341 

Cap! Boyle's Victory, 344 

Cant. !YIi< kler's Victory. 345 

Gun Boat No. 168 and the Erebus frigate, 346 

Capt. Stewart's Victory, 349 



APPENDIX. 

Correspondence, which passed between the Commissioners of 

the t'vo governments, whilst treating for Peace, transmitted to 

the Secretary of State, 350, o-58, 359, 364. 367, 374, 

382, 392, 396, 405, 414, 419, 421, 422 

Treaty of Peace, 42 * 

List of V sets taken during the War, ^35 

Capt. Buldle's Victory, 465 



HISTORY 



THE WAR. 



CHAPTER I. 
PRESIDENTS MESSAGE. 

WASHINGTON CITT, Tuesday, November 5,. i*fc*;i 

The President of the United States tfiis day commu- 
nicated by Mr. Edward Coles, his private secre- 
tary, the following Message to Congress- 
Fellow- Citizens of the Senate, and of 
the House of Representatives, 
IN calling 1 you together sooner than a separation 
from your homes would otherwise have been required, 
1 yielded to considerations drawn from the posture of 
our foreign affairs ; and in fixing the present for the 
time of your meeting, regard was had to the probabil- 
ity of further developements of the policy of the bel- 
ligerent powers towards this country, which might the 
more unite the national councils, in the measures to 
be pursued. 

At the close of the last session of Congress, it was 
hoped that the successive confirmations of the extinc- 
tion of the French Decrees, so far as they violated 
our neutral commerce, would have induced the gov- 
ernment of Great-Britain to repeal its Orders in 
Council ; and thereby authorise a removal of the ex- 
isting obstructions to her commerce with the United 
States. 

Instead of this reasonable step towards satisfaction 
and friendship between the two nations, the Orders 
were at a moment when least to havp hren ^xpert^d 



10 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

put into more vigorous execution ; and it was com- 
municated through the British Envoy just arrived, 
that whilst the revocation of the Edicts of France, as 
officially made known to the British government, 
was denied to have taken place ; it was an indispen- 
sable condition of the repeal of the British Orders, 
that commerce should be restored to a footing, that 
would admit the productions and manufactures of 
Great-Britain, when owned by neutrals, into markets 
shut against them by her enemy ; the United States 
being given to understand that, in the mean time, a 
continuance of their non-importation act would lead 
to measures of retaliation. 

At a later date, it has indeed appeared, that a 
communication to the British government, of fresh 
evidence of the repeal of the French Decrees against 
our neutral trade, was followed by an intimation, that 
it had been transmitted to the British Plenipotentiary 
here ; in order that it might receive full consideration 
in the depending discussions. This communication 
appears not to have been received ; but the transmis- 
sion of it hither, instead of founding on it an actual 
repeal of the Orders, or assurances that the repeal 
would ensue, will not permit us to rely on any effect- 
ive change in the British cabinet. To be ready to 
meet with cordiality satisfactory proofs of such a 
change, and to proceed, in the mean time, in adapt- 
ing 1 our measures to the views which have been dis- 
closed through that minister, will best consult our 
whole duty. 

In the unfriendly spirit of those disclosures, indem- 
nity and redress for other wrongs have continued to 
be withheld, and our coasts and the mouths of our 
harbors have again witnessed scenes, not less derog- 
atory to the dearest of our national rights, than vexa- 
tious to the regular course of our trade. 

Among the occurrences produced by the conduct 
of British ships of war hovering on our coasts, was 
An encounter between one of them and the American 
frigate commanded by Captain Rogers, rendered 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 11 

unavoidable on the part of the latter, by a fire com- 
menced without cause by the former ; whose com- 
mander is therefore, alone chargeable with the blood 
unfortunately shed in maintaining the honor of the 
American flag. The proceedings of a court of en- 
quiry, requested by Captain Bogers, are communicat- 
ed j together with the correspondence relating to the 
occurrence, between the Secretary of State, and his 
Britannic Majesty's Envoy. To these are added, 
the several correspondences which have passed on 
the subject of the British Orders in Council ; and to 
both the correspondence relating to the Floridas, i^ 
which Congress will be made acquainted with the 
interposition which the government of Great-Britain 
has thought proper to make against the proceedings 
of the United States. 

The justice, and fairness which have been evinced 
on the part of the United Statestowards France, both 
before and since the revocation of her Decrees, 
authorised an expectation that her government would 
have followed up that measure by all such others as 
were due to our reasonable claims as well as dictat- 
ed by its amicable professions. No proof, however,, 
is yet given of an intention to repair the other wrongs 
done to the United States : and particularly to re- 
store the great amount of American property seized 
and condemned under Edicts, which, though not af- 
fecting our neutral relations, and therefore, not enter- 
ing into questions between the United States and oth- 
er belligerents, were nevertheless founded in such un- 
just principles, that the reparation ought to have been 
prompt and ample. 

In addition to this, and other demands of strict 
right, on that nation; the United States have much 
reason to be dissatisfied with the rigorous and unex- 
pected restrictions, to which their trade with the 
French dominions has been subjected : and which, if 
not discontinued, will require at least corresponding 
restrictions on importations from France into the 
United States. 



12 HISTORY OE THE WAR. 

On all those subjects our Minister Plenipotentiary, 
lately sent to Paris, has carried with him the neces- 
sary instructions ; the result of which will be commu- 
nicated to you, and by ascertaining' the ulterior policy 
of the French government towards the United States, 
will enable you to adapt to it that of the United States 
towards France. 

Our other foreign relations remain without unfa- 
vorable changes. With Russia they are on the best 
footing- of friendship. The ports of Sweden have 
afforded proofs of friendly dispositions towards our 
commerce, in the councils of that nation also. And 
the information from our special Minister to Denmark, 
shews that the mission had been attended with valua- 
ble effects to our citizens, whose property had been 
so extensively violated and endangered by cruisers- 
under the Danish flag. 

Under the ominous indications which commanded' 
attention, it became a duty, to exert the means com- 
mitted to the Executive Department, in providing for 
the general security. The works of defence on our 
maritime frontier have accordingly been prosecuted, 
with an activity leaving- little to be added for the com- 
pletion of the most important ones ; and as particu- 
larly suited for co-operation in emergencies, a portion of 
the Gun-Boats have, in particular harbours, been order- 
ed into use. The Ships of war before in commission, 
with the addition of a Frigate, have been chiefly em- 
ployed, as a cruising guard to the rights of our coast. 
And such a disposition has been made of our land 
forces, as was thought to promise the services most 
appropriate and important. In this disposition is in- 
cluded a force, consisting of regulars and militia, em- 
bodied in the Indiana Territory, and marched towards 
our North Western frontier. — This measure was 
made requisite by several murders and depredations 
committed by Indians ; but more especially by the 
menacing preparations and aspect of a combination of 
them on the Wabash under the influence and direc- 
tion of a fanatic of the Shawanese tribe. With those 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 13 

exceptions the Indian tribes retain their peaceable dis- 
positions towards us, and their usual pursuits. 

I must now add, that the period is arrived which 
claims from the Legislative Guardians of the National 
rights a system of more ample provisions for maintain- 
ing them. Notwithstanding the scrupulous justice, 
the protracted moderation, and the multiplied efforts 
on the part of the United States, to substitute for the 
accumulating dangers to the peace of the two coun- 
tries, all the mutual advantages of re-established 
friendship and confidence ; we have seen that the 
British Cabinet perseveres not only in withholding a 
remedy for other wrongs so long and so loudly calling 
for it ; but in the execution brought home to the thresh- 
hpld of our Territory, of measures which under 
existing circumstances, have the character, as well a^ 
the effect of war on our lawful commerce. 

With this evidence of hostile inflexibility, in tramp- 
ling on rights which no independent nation can re^- 
linquish, Congress will feel the duty of putting the 
United States into an armor, and an attitude de- 
manded by the crisis, and corresponding with the 
national spirit and expectations. 

I recommend accordingly, that adequate provision 
be made for filling the ranks and prolonging the en- 
listments of the regular troops : for an auxiliary force, 
to be engaged for a more limited term ; for the ac- 
ceptance of volunteer corps, whose patriotic ardor 
may court a participation in urgent services ; for 
detachments, as they may be wanted, of other por- 
tions of the militia ; and for such a preparation of the 
great body, as will proportion its usefulness to its in- 
trinsic capacities. Nor can the occasion fail to remind 
you of the importance of those military Seminaries, 
which, in every event, will form a valuable and frugal 
part of our military establishment. 

The manufacture of cannon and small arms has 
proceeded with due success, and the stock and re- 
sources of all the necessary munitions are adequate to 
emergencies. It will not be inexpedient, however, 
for Conrgess to authorize an enlargement of them. 



14 HISTORY OF THE AVAR, 

Your attention will of course be drawn to such 
provisions, on the subject of our naval force, as may 
be required for the services to which it may be best 
adapted. I submit to Congress the seasonableness 
also, of an authority to augment the stock of such ma- 
terials, as are imperishable in their nature, or. may not 
at once be attainable. 

In contemplating the scenes which distinguish this 
momentous epoch, and estimating their claims to our 
attention, it is impossible to overlook those developing 
themselves among the great communities which oc- 
cupy the southern portion of our own hemisphere, and 
extend into our neighbourhood. An enlarged philan- 
thropy, and an enlightened forecast, concur in impos- 
ing on the National Councils an obligation to take a 
deep interest in their destinies : to cherish reciprocal 
sentiments of good will ; to regard the progress of 
events ; and not to be unprepared for whatever order 
of things may be ultimately established. 

Under another aspect of our situation, the early at- 
tention of Congress will be due to the expediency of 
further guards against evasions and infractions of our 
commercial laws. The practice of smuggling, which 
is odious every where, and particularly criminal in 
free governments, where, the laws being made by all, 
for the good of all, a fraud is committed on every in- 
dividual as well as on the state, attains its utmost guilt, 
when it blends, with a pursuit of ignominious gain, 
a treacherous subserviency in the transgressors, to a 
foreign policy, adverse to that of their own country. 
It is then that the virtuous indignation of the public 
should be enabled to manifest itself, through the regu- 
lar animadversions of the most competent laws. 

To secure greater respect to our mercantile flag, 
and to the honest interest which it covers, it is ex- 
pedient also, that it be made punishable in ourcitizens, 
to accept licences from foreign governments, for a 
trade unlawfully interdicted by them to other Ameri- 
can citizens ; or to trade under false colours or papers 
of any sort- 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 16 

A prohibition is equally called for, against the ac- 
ceptance, by our citizens of special licences, to be 
used in a trade with the United States; and against 
the admission into particular ports of the United 
States, of vessels from foreign countries, authorized to 
trade with particular ports only. 

Although other subjects will press more immedi- 
ately on your deliberations, a portion of them cannot 
but be well bestowed, -on the just and sound policy of 
securing to our manufactures the success they have 
attained, and are still attaining, in some degree, under 
the impulse of causes not permanent; and to our navi- 
gation, the fair exteut of which it is at present abridg- 
ed by the unequal regulations of foreign govern- 
ments. 

Besides the reasonableness of saving our manufac- 
turers from sacrifices which a change of circumstan- 
ces might bring on them, the national interest requires, 
that, with respect to such articles at least as belong io 
our defence, and our primary wants, we should not be 
left in unnecessary dependence on external supplies. 
And whilst foreign governments adhere to the existing 
discriminations in their ports against our navigation,, 
and an equality or lesser discrimination is enjoyed bv 
their navigation in our ports, the effect cannot be 
mistaken, because it has been seriously felt by our 
shipping interests; and in proportion as this takes 
place, the advantages of an independent conveyance of 
our products to foreign markets, and of a growing 
body of mariners, trained by their occupations forth*, 
service of their country in times of danger, must be 
diminished. *» 

The receipts into the Treasury, during the year, en- 
ding on the thirtieth of September last, have exceeded, 
thirteen millions and a half of dollars, and have ena- 
bled us to defray the current expences, including the 
interest on the public debt and to reimburse more than 
five millions of dollars of the principal, without recur- 
ring to the loan authorized by the act of the last Ses- 
sion. The temporary loan obtained in the latter end 
of the year one thousand eight hundred and ten, has 



16 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

also been reimbursed, and is not included in that 
amount. 

The decrease of revenue, arising" from the situation ot 
our commerce and the extraordinary expenoes which 
have and may become necessary, must be taken into 
view, in making commensurate provisions for the 
ensuing year. And I recommend to your considera- 
tion the propriety of ensuring- a sufficiency of annual 
revenue, at least to defray the ordinary expences of 
government, and to pay the interest on the public debt, 
including that on new loans which may be authorized. 

T cannot close this communication without expres- 
sing my deep sense of the crisis in which you are as- 
sembled ; my confidence in a wise and honourable 
result to your deliberations, and, assurances of the 
faithful zeal with which my co-operating duties will 
be discharged ; invoking at the same time, the bles- 
sing of heaven on our beloved country, and on all the 
means, that may be employed in vindicating its rights, 
and advancing its welfare. 

(Signed) 

JAMES MADISON, 

Washington, November 5, 1811. 



OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE, 

Laid before Congress, on Tuesday, November 5. 

ORDERS IN COUNCIL. 

MR. FOSTER TO MR. MONROE. 

WASHINGTON, July 3, 1811. 

SIR, 

I have had the honour of stating to you ver- 
bally the system of defence to which his majesty has 
been compelled to resort for the purpose of protecting 
the maritime rights and interests of his dominions 
against the new description of warfare that lias been 
adopted by his enemies. I have presented to you 
the grounds upon which his Majesty finds himself still 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 17 

obliged to continue that system, and I conceive that 
I shall best meet your wishes as expressed to me this 
morning, if in a more formal shape I should lay be* 
fore you the whole extent of the question, as it appears 
to his Majesty's government to exist between Great- 
Britain and A.merica. 

1 beg leave to call your attention, sir, to the princi- 
ples on which his Majesty's Orders in Council were 
originally founded. The Decree of Berlin was direct- 
ly and expressly an act of war, by which France pro- 
hibited all nations from trade or intercourse with 
Great-Britain under peril of confiscation of their 
ships and merchandise ; although France had not the 
means of imposing an actual blockade in any degree 
adequate to such a purpose. The immediate and 
professed object of this hostile Decree was the destruc- 
tion of all British commerce through means entirely 
unsanctioned by the law of nations, and unauthorised 
by any received doctrine of legitimate blockade. 

This violation of the established law of civilized 
nations in war, would have justified Great-Britain in 
retaliating upon the enemy by a similar interdiction 
of all commerce with France, and with such other 
countries as might co-operate with France in her sys- 
tem of commercial hostility against Great-Britain. 

The object of Great-Britain was not, however, the 
destruction of trade, but its preservation under such 
regulations as might be compatible with her own se- 
curity, at the same time that she extended an indul- 
gence to foreign commerce, which strict principles 
would have entitled her to withhold. The retaliation 
of Great-Britain was not therefore urged to the full 
extent of her right ; our prohibition of French trade 
was not absolute, but modified ; and in return for the 
absolute prohibition of all trade with Great-Britain, 
we prohibited not all commerce with France, but all 
such commerce with France as should not be carried 
on through Great-Britain. 

It was evident that this system must prove prejudi- 
cial to neutral nations; this calamity was foreseen. 

3 



16 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

and deeply regretted. But the injury to the neutral 
nation arose from the aggression of Franee, which 
had compelled Great-Britain in her own defence to 
resort to adequate retaliatory measures of war. The 
operation on the American commerce of those pre- 
cautions, which the conduct of France had rendered 
indispensable to our security, is therefore to be ascrib- 
ed to the unwarrantable aggression of France, and 
not to those proceedings on the part of Great-Britain, 
which that aggression had rendered necessary and 
just. 

The object of our system was merely to counteract 
an attempt to crush the British trade ; Great-Britain 
endeavored to permit the continent to receive as large 
a portion of commerce as might be practicable, 
through Great-Britain ; and all her subsequent regu- 
lations, and every modification of her system by new 
orders or modes of granting or withholding licences, 
have been calculated for the purpose of encouraging 
the trade of neutrals through Great-Britain, whenever 
such encouragement might appear advantageous to 
the general interests of commerce, and consistent 
with the public safety of the nation. The justifica- 
tion of his Majesty's Orders in Council, and the con- 
tinuance of that defence, have always been rested up- 
on the existence of the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, 
and on the perseverance of the enemy in the system 
of hostility which has subverted the rights of neutral 
commerce on the continent; and it has always been 
declared on the part of his Majesty's government, 
that whenever France should have effectually repeal- 
ed the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, and should have, 
restored neutral commerce to the condition in which 
it stood previously to the promulgation of those De- 
crees, we should immediately repeal our Orders in 
Council. 

France has asserted that the Decree of Berlin was 
a measure of just retaliation on her part, occasioned 
by our previous aggression ; and the French govern- 
ment has insisted that our system of blockade, as it 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 19 

existed previously to the Decree of Berlin, was a 
manifest violation of the received law of nations ; 
we must therefore, sir, refer to the articles of the Ber- 
lin Decree, to find the principles of our system of 
blockade, which France considers to be new, and 
contrary to the law of nations. 

By the 4th and 8th articles it is stated as a justifi- 
cation of the French Decree, that Great-Britain, 
* extends to unfortified towns and commercial ports, 
to harbors, and to the mouths of rivers, those rights 
of blockade, which by the reason and the usage of 
nations, are applicable only to fortified places ; and 
that the rights of blockade ought to be limited to for- 
tresses really invested by a sufficient force.' 

It is added in the same articles that Great-Britain 
' has declared places to be in a state of blockade, 
before which she has not a single ship of war, and 
even places which the whole British force would be 
insufficient to blockade ; entire coasts, and a whole 
empire.' 

Neither the practice of Great-Britain, nor the law 
of nations, has ever sanctioned the rule now laid down 
by France, that no place excepting fortresses in a 
complete state of investiture, can be deemed lawfully 
blockaded by sea. 

If such a rule were to be admitted, it would be- 
come nearly impracticable for Great-Britain to at- 
tempt the blockade of any port of the continent, and 
our submission to this perversion of the law of na- 
tions, while it would destroy one of the principal ad- 
vantages of our naval superiority, would sacrifice the 
common rights and interests of all maritime states. 

It was evident that the blockade of May, 18UG, 
was the principal pretended jusification oi the De- 
cree of Berlin, though neither the principles on which 
that blockade was founded, nor its practical opera- 
tion, afforded any color for the proceedings of 
France. 

In point of date, the blockade of May, 180b", pre- 
ceded the Berlin Decree; but it was a just and legal 



20 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

blockade according" to the established law of nations, 
because it was intended to be maintained, and was 
actually maintained by an adequate force appointed 
to guard the whole coast described in the notitication, 
and consequently to enforce the blockade. 

Great-Britain has never attempted to dispute, that 
in the ordinary course of the law of nations, no block- 
ade can be justifiable or valid unless it be supported 
by an adequate force destined to maintain it, and to 
expose to hazard all vessels attempting to evade its 
operation. The blockade of May, 1806, was notified 
by Mr. Secretary Fox, on this clear principle, nor 
was that blockade announced until he had satisfied 
himself by a communication with his Majesty f s Board 
of Admiralty, that the Admiralty possessed the means 
and would employ them, of watching the whole coast 
from Brest to the Elbe, and of effectually enforcing 
the blockade. 

The blockade of May, 1806, was therefore (ac- 
cording to the doctrine maintained by Great r Britain) 
just and lawful in its origin, because it was supported 
by both in intention and fact by an adequate naval 
force. This was the justification of that blockade, 
until the period of time when the Orders in Council 
were issued. 

The Orders in Council were founded on a distinct 
principle, that of defensive retaliation. Fiance had 
declared a blockade of all the ports and coasts of 
Great-Britain, and her dependencies, without assign- 
ing, or being able to assign, any force to support that 
blockade. Such an act of the enemy would have 
justified a declaration of the blockade of the whole 
coast of France, even without the application of any 
particular force to that service. Since the promulga- 
tion of the Orders in Council, the blockade of May, 
1806, has been sustained and extended by the more 
comprehensive system of defensive retaliation on 
which those regulations are founded. But ii the Or- 
ders in Council should be abrogated, the blockade of 
JVIay, 1806, could not continue under our construe- 



HISTORY OP THE WAR. 21 

tion of the law of nations, unless that blockade should 
be maintained by a due application of an adecmate 
naval force. 

America appears to concur with France in assert- 
ing that Great-Britain was the original aggressor in 
the attack on neutral rights, and has particularly ob- 
jected to the blockade of May, ]806, as an obvious 
instance of that aggression on the part of Great- 
Britain. 

Although the doctrines of the Berlin Decree, res- 
pecting the rights of blockade, are not directly assert- 
ed by the American government, Mr. Pinckney's 
correspondence would appear to countenance the 
principles on which those doctrines are founded. The 
objection directly stated by America against the 
blockade of May, 1806, rests on a supposition that no 
naval force which Great-Britain possessed, or could 
have employed for such a purpose, could have render- 
ed that blockade effectual and that therefore it was 
necessarily irregular, and could not possibly be main- 
tained in conformity to the law of nations. 

Reviewing the course of this statement, it will ap- 
pear that the blockade of May, 1806, cannot be 
deemed contrary to the law of nations, either under 
the objections urged by the French, or under those 
declared or insinuated by the American government, 
because that blockade was maintained by a sufficient 
naval force ; that the Decree of Berlin was not there- 
fore justified either under the pretext alledged by 
France, or under those supported by America ; that 
the Orders in Council were founded on a just principle 
of defensive retaliation against the violation of the law 
of nations committed by France in the Decree of 
Berlin; that the blockade of May, 1806, is now in- 
cluded in the more extensive operation of the Orders 
in Council ; and lastly, that the Orders in Council 
will not be continued beyond the effectual duration of 
the hostile Decrees of France, nor will the blockade 
of May, 1806, continue after the repeal of the Orders 
in Council, unless His Majesty's government shall 



22 HISTORY OF THE WAIt, 

think fit to sustain it by the special application of a 
sufficient naval force. This fact will not be suffered 
to remain in doubt, and if the repeal of the Orders in 
Council should take place, the intention of His Majes- 
ty's government respecting- the blockade of May, 1806, 
•will be notified at the same time. 

I need not recapitulate to you the sentiments of 
His Majesty's government, so often repeated, on the 
subject of the French Minister's Note to General 
Armstrong, dated the Oth of last August. The studi- 
ed ambiguity of that note has since been amply ex- 
plained by the conduct and language of the govern- 
ment of France, of which one of the most remarkable 
instances is to be found in the speech of the chief of 
the French government on the 17th of last month to 
certain deputies from the free cities of Hamburgh, 
Bremen, and Lubeck, wherein he declares that the 
Berlin and Milan Decrees shall be the public code of 
France as long as England maintains her Orders in 
Council of 1806, and 1807. Thus pronouncing as 
plainly as language will admit, that the system of vio- 
lence and injustice of which he is the founder, will be 
maintained by him until the defensive measures of re- 
taliation to which they gave rise on the part of Great- 
Britain shall be abandoned. 

If other proofs were necessary to show the continu- 
ed existence of those obnoxious Decrees, they may 
be discovered in the Imperial Edict dated at Fontain- 
bleau, October 19, 1810 ; that monstrous production 
of violence, in which they are made the basis of a sys- 
tem of general and unexampled tyranny and oppression 
over all countries subject to, allied with, or within the 
reach of the power of France ; in the report of the 
French minister for foreign affairs dated last Decern- 
ber, and in the letter of the French minister of justice 
to the president of the council of prises; To this 
latter, sir, I would wish particularly to invite your atten- 
tion ; the date is the 'Joth December, the authority it 
comes from most mirjiiestionable, aid you will there 
find, sir, the Duke of Massa, in giving his instructions 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 23 

to the council of prizes in consequence of the President 
of the United States' proclamation of November 3, 
most cautiously avoiding- to assert that the French De- 
crees were repealed, and ascribing- not to such repeal, 
but to the ambiguous passage which he quotes at 
length from M. Champagny's letter of August 5, the 
new attitude taken by America J and you will also 
find an evidence in the same letter of the continued 
capture of American ships after November, and under 
the Berlin and Milan Decrees, having been contem- 
plated by the French government, since there is a 
special direction given for judgment on such ships 
being suspended in consequence of the American 
proclamation, and for their being kept as pledges for 
its enforcement 

Can then, sir, these Decrees be said to have been 
repealed at the period when the proclamation of the 
President of the United States appeared, or when 
America enforced her non-importation act against 
Great-Britain? Are they so at this moment ? To 
the first question, the state papers which I have refer- 
red to, appear to give a sufficient answer. For even 
supposing that the repeal has since taken place, it is 
clear that on November 3, there was no question as 
to that not being then the case ; the capture of the ship 
New-Orleans Packet seized at Bordeaux, and the 
Grace- Ann-Green, seized at or carried into Marseilles, 
being cases arising under the French Decrees of Ber- 
lin and Milan, as is very evident. Great-Britain 
might therefore complain of being treated with injus- 
tice by America, even supposing that the conduct of 
France had since been unequivocal. 

America contends that the French Decrees are re- 
voked as it respects her ships upon the high seas, and 
you, sir, inform me, that the only two American ships 
taken under their maritime operation, as you are pleas- 
ed to term it, since November 1, have been restored ; 
but may not they have been restored in consequence 
of the satisfaction felt in France at the passing of the 
non-importation act in the American Congress, an 



24 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

event so little to be expected ; for otherwise, having 
been captured in direct contradiction to the supposed 
revocation, why were they not restored immedi- 
ately ? 

The fears of the French navy however, prevent 
many cases of the kind occurring" in the ocean under 
the Decrees of Berlin and Milan , but the most ob- 
noxious and destructive parts of those Decrees are 
exercised with full violence not only in the ports of 
France, but in those of all other countries to which 
France thinks she can commitinjustice withimpunity. 

Great-Britain has a right to complain that neutral 
nations should overlook the very worst features of 
these extraordinary acts, and should suffer their trade 
to be made a medium of an unprecedented, violent, 
and monstrous system of attack upon her resources ; a 
species of warfare unattempted by any civilized na- 
tion before the present period. Not only has America 
suffered her trade to be moulded into the means of 
annoyance to Great-Britain under the provisions of 
the French Decrees, but as construing- those Decrees 
as extinct, upon a deceitful declaration of the French 
Cabinet, she has enforced her non-importation act 
against Great-Britain. 

Under these circumstances, I am instructed by my 
government, to urge to that of the United States, the 
injustice of thus enforcing that act against his Majes- 
ty's dominions, and I cannot but hope that a spirit of 
justice will induce the United States' government to 
re-consider the line of conduct they have pursued, 
and at least to re-establish their former state of strict 
neutrality. 

J ha\e only to add, sir, that, on my part, I shall ever 
be ready to meet \ on on any opening which may seem 
to afford a prospect of restoring complete harmony 
between the two countries, and that it will at all times 
give me the greatest satisfaction to treat with you on 
the important concerns so interesting to both. 

I have the honor to be, 9iC. 

AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER 
To the hon. James Monroe, SCc. 



HISTORY OF THE AVAR. 25 

Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroe. 

WASHINGTON, JiUy 11, 1811. 

SIR, 

In consequence of our conversation of yesterday, 
and the observations which you made respecting that 
part of my letter to you of the 3d inst. wherein I have 
alluded to the principle on which his Majesty's Or- 
ders in Council were originally founded, I think it 
right to explain myself, in order to prevent any possi- 
ble mistake as to the present situation of neutral trade 
with his Majesty's enemies. 

It will only be necessary for me to repeat what has 
already, long since, been announced to the American 
government, ramely, that his Majesty's Order in 
Council of April 26, 1809, superceded those of No- 
vember, 1807, and relieved the system of retaliation 
adopted by his Majesty against his enemies from what 
was considered in this country as the most objection- 
able part of it ; the option given to neutrals to trade 
with the enemies of Great-Britain, through British 
ports, on payment of a transit duty. 

This explanation, sir, will, I trust, be sufficient to 
do away any impression that you may have received 
to the contrary from my observations respecting the 
effects which his Majesty's Orders in Council origin- 
ally had on trade of neutral nations. Those observa- 
tions were merely meant as preliminary to a consider- 
ation of the question now at issue between the two 
countries. 

I have the honor to be, with the highest considera- 
tion and respect, sir, your most obedient humble 
servant, 

AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. 
To the hon. James Monroe, tyc. 



26 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

Mr. Foster to 3Ir. Monroe. 

WASHINGTON. July 14, 1 8 II . 

SIR, 

His Majesty's Packet boat having been so long 
detained, and a fortnight having elapsed since my ar- 
rival at this capitol, his Royal Highness, the Prince 
Regent will necessarily expect that I should have to 
transmit to his Royal Highness some official commu- 
nication as to the line of conduct the American gov- 
ernment mean to pursue. I trust you will excuse 
me therefore, sir, if without pressing for a detailed 
answer to my note of the 3d inst, I anxiously desire 
to know from you what is the President's determina- 
tion with respect to suspending the operation of the 
late Act of Congress prohibiting all importation from 
the British dominions. 

There have been repeated avowals lately made by 
the government of France, that the Decrees of Berlin 
and Milan were still in full force, and the acts of that 
government have corresponded with those avowals. 

The measures of retaliation pursued by Great- 
Britain against those Decrees are consequently to the 
great regret of his Royal Highness still necessarily 
continued. 

T have had the honor to state to you the light in 
which his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent view- 
ed the Proclamation of the President of last, Novem- 
ber, and the surprise with which he learnt the subse- 
quent measures of Congress against the British trade. 

American ships seized under his Majesty's Orders 
in Council even after that Proclamation appeared, 
were not immediately condemned, because it was be- 
lieved that the insidious professions of France might 
have led the American government, and the mer- 
chants of America into an erroueous construction of 
the intentions of France. 

But wh( n the veil was thrown aside, and the 
French ruler himself avowed the continued existence 
of his invariable system, it was not expected by his 
Royal Highness that America would have refused to 
retrace the steps she had taken. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. Z* 

Fresh proofs have since occurred of the resolution 
of the French government to cast uway all considera- 
tion of the rights of nations in the unprecedented war- 
fare they have adopted. 

America however still persists in her injurious 
measures against the commerce of Great-Britain, and 
his Royal Highness has in consequence been obliged 
to look to means of retaliation against those measures 
which his Royal Highness cannot but consider as 
most unjustifiable. 

How desirable would it not be, sir, if a stop could 
be put to any material progress in such a system of 
retaliation, which, from step to step may lead to the 
most unfriendly situation between the two countries!* 
His Majesty's government will necessarily be guid- 
ed in a great degree by the contents of my first dis- 
patches as to the conduct they must adopt towards 
America. 

Allow me then, sir, to repeat my request to learn from 
you whether I may not convey what I know would be 
most grateful to his Royal Highness' feelings, namely, 
the hope that he may be enabled, by the speedy return of 
America from her unfriendly attitude towards Great- 
Britain, to forget altogether that he ever was obliged 
to have any other object in view besides that of en- 
deavoring to promote the best understanding possible 
between the two countries. 

I have the honor to be, with the highest considera- 
tion, sir, your most obedient humble servant, 

AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER, 
To tlw hon. James Monroe, §c. 



Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroe. 

WASHINGTON, July 16, 1811. 
SfR, 

1 had the honor to receive the letter which you ad 
dressed to me under yesterday's date, requesting an 
explanation from me, in consequence of my letter*' 



28 HISTORY OV THE WAR. 

of the 3d and 14th inst. of the precise extent in which 
a repeal of the French Decrees is by his Majesty s 
government, made a condition of the repeal of the 
British Orders, and particularly whether the condition 
embraces the seizure of vessels and merchandize en- 
tering French ports in contravention of French regu- 
lations, as well as the capture on the high seas, of 
neutral vessels and their cargoes, on the mere allega- 
tion that they are bound to or from British ports, or 
that they have on board British productions or man- 
ufactures ; as also, stating that in your view of the 
French Decrees, they comprise regulations essentially 
different in their principles, some of them violating 
the neutral rights of the United States, others operat- 
ing against Great-Britain without any such violation. 

You will permit me, sir, for the purpose of answer- 
ing your questions as clearly and concisely as possi- 
ble, to bring into view the French Decrees them- 
selves, together with the official declarations of the 
French minister which accompanied them. 

In the body of those Decrees, and in the declara- 
tions alluded to, you will find, sir, express avowals 
that the principles on which they were founded, and 
provisions contained in them, are wholly new, unpre- 
cedented, and in direct contradiction to all ideas of 
justice and the principles and usages of all civilized 
nations. The French government did not pretend to 
say that any one of the regulations contained in those 
Decrees was a regulation which France had ever 
been in the previous practice of. 

They were consequently to be considered, and were 
indeed allowed by France herself to be, all of them, 
parts of a new system of warfare, unauthorised by the 
established laws of nations. 

It is in this light in which France herself has placed 
her Decrees ; that Great-Britain is obliged to consid- 
er them. 

The submission of neutrals to any regulations made 
by France, authorised by the laws of nations, and 
practised in former \vnrs\ will never be complain'."' 



HISTORY OP THE WAR. 29 

of by Great-Britain ; but the regulations of the Berlin 
and Mian Decrees do, and are declared to violate 
the laws of nations, and the rights of neutrals, for the 
purpose of attacking through them the resources of 
Great Britain. The ruler of France has drawn no 
distinction between any of them, nor has he declared 
the cessation of any one of them in the speech which he 
so lately addressed to the deputation from the free 
Imperial Hanse Towns, which was on the contrary a 
confirmation of them all. 

Not until the French Decrees therefore shall be 
effectually repealed, and thereby neutral commerce 
be restored to the situation in which it stood previous- 
ly to their promulgation, can his royal highness con- 
ceive himself justified, consistently with what he owes 
to the safety and honour of Great Britain, in forego- 
ing the just measures of retaliation which his Majesty 
in his defence was necessitated to adopt against them. 

I trust, sir, that this explanation in answer to your 
enquires will be considered by you sufficiently satis- 
factory ; should you require any further, and which 
it may be in my power to give, I shall with the 
greatest cheerfulness afford it. 

I sincerely hope, however, that no further delay 
will be thought necessary by the President in restor- 
ing the relations of amity which should ever subsist be- 
tween America and Great-Britain, as the delusions 
attempted by the government of France have now 
been made manifest, and the perfidious plans of its 
ruler exposed ; by which, while he adds to and agra • 
vates his system of violence against neutral trade, he 
endeavours to throw all the odium of his acts upon 
Great Britain with a view to engender discord be- 
tween the neutral countries, and the only power 
which stands upas a bulwark against his efforts at 
universal tyranny and oppression. 

Excuse me, sir, if 1 express my wish as early a* 
possible to dispatch his Majesty's packet boat with 
the result of our communications, as his Majesty's 
government will necessarily be must anxious to hear 



,10' HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

from me. Any short period of time, however, which 
may appear to you to be reasonable, I will not hesi- 
tate bo detain her. 

I have the honor to be with the highest considera- 
tion and respect, sir, your most obedient humble 
servant. 

AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER 

To the lion. James Monroe, tyc. 



Mr. Monroe to Mr. Foster. 

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, July 23d, 1811. 

SIR, 

I have submitted to the President your several let- 
ters of the 3d and 16th of this month relative to the 
British Orders in Council and the blockade of May, 
1806, and 1 have now the honor to communicate to 
you his sentiments on the view which you have pre- 
sented of those measures ot your government. 

It was hoped that your communication would have 
led to an immediate accommodation of the differences 
subsisting between our countries, on the ground on 
which alone it is possible to meet you. It is regretted 
that you have confined yourself to a vindication of the 
measures which produced some of them. 

The United States are as little disposed now as 
heretofore to enter into the question concerning the 
priority of aggression by the two belligerents, which 
could not be justified by either, by the priority of 
those of the oilier. But us you bring forward that 
plea in support of the Orders in Council, I must be 
permitted to remark that you have yourself furnished 
a conclusive answer to it, by admitting that the block- 
ade of May 1806, which was prior to the first of the 
French Decrees, would not be legal, unless supported 
through the whole extent of the coast, from the Elbe 
to Brest, by an adequate naval force. That such a 
naval force wasactualy applyed and continued in the 
requisite strictness until that blockade was comprised 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 31 

in and superceded by the Orders of November of the 
following' year, or even until the French Decree of 
the same year, will not I presume be alleged. 

But waving this question of priority, can it be seen 
without both surprise and regret, that it is still con- 
tended, that the Orders in Council are justified by the 
principle of retaliation, and that this principle is 
strengthened by the inability of France to enforce her 
Decrees. A retaliation is in its name, and its essen- 
tial character, a returning like for like. Is the dead- 
ly blow of the Orders in Council against one half of 
our commerce, a return of like for like to an empty 
threat in the French Decrees, against the other half? 
It may be a vindicative hostility, as far as its effects 
falls on the enemy. But when falling on a neutral 
who on no pretext can be liable for more than the 
measure of injury received through such neutral it 
would not be a retaliation, but a positive wrong by 
the plea on which it is founded. 

It is to be further remarked that the Orders in 
Council went even beyond the plea, such as this has 
appeared to be, in extending its operation against the 
trade of the United States, with nations which, like 
Russia, had not adopted the French Decrees, and 
with all nations which had merely excluded the Brit- 
ish flag ; an exclusion resulting- as a matter of course 
with respect to whatever nation Great-Britain might 
happen to be at war. 

1 am far from viewing the modification originally 
contained in these Orders, which permits neutrals to 
prosecute their trade with the continent, through 
Great-Britain, in the favorable light in which you re- 
present it. It is impossible to proceed to notice the 
effect of this modification without expressing our as- 
ionishmeut at the extravagance of the political preten- 
sion set up by it : a pretension which is utterly incom- 
patible with the sovereignty and iudependance of oth- 
er states. In a commercial view, it is not less objec- 
tionable, as it cannot fail to prove destructive to neu- 
tral commerce. As an enemv, Great-Britain cannot 



32 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

trade with France. Nor does France permit a neu- 
tral to come into her ports from Great-Britain. The 
attempt of Great-Britain to force our trade through 
her ports, would have therefore the commercial effect 
of depriving the United States altogether of the mark- 
et of her enemy for their productions, and of destroy- 
ing their value in her market by a surcharge of it. 
Heretofore it has been the usage of belligerent na- 
tions to carry on their trade through the intervention of 
neutrals; and this had the beneficial effect of extend- 
ing to the former the advantages of peace, while suf- 
fering under the calamities of war. To reverse the 
rule, and to extend to nations at peace, the calamities 
of war, is a change as novel and extraordinary as it is 
at variauce with justice and public law. 

Against this unjust system, the United States en- 
tered, at an early period, their solemn protest. They 
considered it their duty to evince to- the world their 
high disapprobation of it, and they have done so by 
such acts as were deemed most consistent with the 
rights and the policy of the nation. Remote from the 
contentious scene which desolates Europe, it has been 
their uniform object to avoid becoming a party to the 
war — With this view they have endeavored to culti- 
vate friendship with both parties, by a system of con- 
duct which ought to have produced that effect. 
They have done justice to each party in every trans- 
action in which they have been separately engaged 
with it. They have observed the impartiality winch 
was due to both as belligerents standing on equal 
ground, having in no instance given a preference to 
either at the expense of the other. They have borne 
too with equal indulgence injuries from both, being 
willing while it was possible, to impute them to casu- 
al ities inseparable from a cause of war, and not to a 
deliberate intention to violate their rights, and even 
when that intention could not be mistaken, they have 
not lost sight of the ultimate object of their policy. 
In the measures to which they have been compelled 
to resort, they have in all respects maintained pacific 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. d8 

relations with both parties. The alternative present- 
ed by their late acts, was offered equally to both, and 
could operate on neither, no longer than it should 
persevere in its agressions on our neutral rights. 
The embargo and non-intercourse, were peaceful 
measures. The regulations which they imposed on 
our trade were such as any nation might adopt iu 
peace or war, without offence to any other nation. 
The non-importation is of the same character, and it 
it makes a distinction at this time, in its operation be- 
tween the belligerents, it necessarily results from a 
compliance of one with the offer made to both, and 
which is still open to the compliance of the other. 

In the discussions which have taken place on the 
subject of the Orders in Council and blockade of May, 
1806, the British government in conformity to the 
principle on which the Orders in Council are said to be 
founded, declared that they should cease to operate as 
soon as France revoked her Edicts. It was stated al- 
so, that the British government would proceed pari 
passu, with the government of France, in the revoca- 
tion of her .Edicts. I will proceed to shew that the 
obligation on Great-Britain to revoke her Orders is 
complete, according to her own engagements, and 
that the revocation ought not to be longer delayed. 

By the Act of May 1st, 1810, it is provided, « That 
if either Great-Britain or France should cease to vio- 
late the neutral commerce of the United States, which 
fact the President should declare by proclamation, 
and the other party should not within three months 
thereafter revoke or modify its Edicts in like manner, 
that then certain sections in a former act interdicting 
the commercial intercourse between the United States 
and Great-Britain and France, and their dependen- 
cies, should from and after the expiration of three 
months from the date of the proclamation, be revived. 
and have full force against the former, its colonies and 
dependencies, and against all articles the growth, pro- 
duce, or manufacture of the same.' 
5 



34 HISTORY Olf THE WAR. 

The violations of neutral commerce alluded to in 
this act, were such as were committed on the high 
seas. It was in the trade between the United States 
and the British dominions, that France had violated 
the neutral rights of the United States by her block- 
ading- Edicts, it was with the trade of France and 
her allies that Great-Britain had committed similar 
violations by similar Edicts. It was the revocation 
of those Edicts, so far as they committed such viola- 
tions, which the United States had in view, when they 
passed the law of May 1st, 1810. On the 5th of 
August, 11110, the French minister of foreign affairs 
addressed a note to the minister plenipotentiary of 
the United States at Paris, informing him that the 
Decrees of Berlin and Milan were revoked; the re- 
vocation to take effect on the 1st of November fol- 
lowing: that the measure had been taken by his gov- 
ernment in conscience that the British government 
would revoke its Orders, and renounce its *;ew prin- 
ciples of blockade, or that the United States would 
cause their rights to be respected, conformably to the 
act of May 1st, 1810. 

This measure of the French government was 
founded on the law of May 1st, 1810, as is expressly 
declared in the letter of theDuke ofCadore announc- 
ing it. The Edicts of Great-Britain, the revocation 
of which were expected by France, were those allud- 
ed to in that act; and the means by which the United 
Stales should cause their rights to be respected, in 
case Great-Britain should not revoke her Edicts, were 
likewise to be found in the same act. They consist- 
ed merely in the enforcement of the non-importation 
act against Great-Britain, in that unexpected and im- 
probable contingency. 

The letter of the 5th of August, which announced 
the revocation ot the French Decrees, was communi- 
cated to this government, in consequence of which 
the President issued a proclamation on the 2d of No- 
vember, the day alter that on which the repeal of the 
French Decrees was io take effect, in which he de- 
clared that all the restrictions imposed by the act of 



HISTORY OF THE WAR, 3o 

May 1st, 1810, should cease and be discontinued in 
relation to France and her dependencies. It was a 
necessary consequence of this proclamation, also, that 
if Great-Britain did not revoke her Edicts, the non- 
importation would operate on her, at the end of three 
months. This actually took place. She declined the 
revocation, and on the 2d of February last, that law 
took effect. In confirmation of the proclamation, an 
act of Congress was passed on the 2d of March fol- 
lowing 1 . 

Great-Britain still declines to revoke her Edicts, 
on the pretension that France has not revoked hers. 
Under that impression she infers that the United 
States have done her injustice by carrying into effect; 
the non-importation against her. 

The United States maintain that France has re- 
voked her Edicts, so far as they violated their neutral 
rights, and were contemplated by the law of May 1st, 
1810, and have on that ground particularly claimed 
and do expect of Great-Britain a similar revocation. 

The revocation announced officially by the French 
minister of foreign affairs, to the minister plenipoten- 
tiary of the United States at Paris, on the 5th of 
August, 18 10, was in itself sufficient to justify the claim 
of the United States to a correspondent measure from 
Great-Britain. She had declared that she would 
proceed pari passu in the repeal with France, and 
the day being fixed when the repeal of the French 
Decrees should take effect, it was reasonable to con- 
clude that Great-Britain would fix the same day for 
the repeal of her Orders. Had this been done, the 
proclamation of the President would have announced 
the revocation of the Edicts of both powers at the 
same time and in consequence thereof the non-impor- 
tation would have gone into operation against neither. 
— Such, too, is the natural course of proceeding" in 
transactions between independant states ; and such 
the conduct which they generally observe towards 
each other. In all compacts between nations, it is the 
duty of each to perform what it stipulates, and to pre- 
sume on the good iaith of the other for a hke per- 



36 HISTORY OF THJE AVAR. 

formance. The United States having- made a pro- 
posal to both belligerents were bound to accept a 
compliance from either, and it was no objection to 
the French compliance, that it was in a form to take 
effect at a future day, that being 1 a form not unusual 
in other public acts ; even when nations are at war 
and make peace, this obligation of neutral confidence 
exists and is respected. In treaties of commerce, 
by which their future intercourse is to be governed, 
the obligation is the same. — If distrust and jealousy 
are allowed to prevail, the moral tie which binds na- 
tions together in all their relations, in war as well as 
in peace, is broken. 

What would Great-Britain have hazarded by a 
prompt compliance in the manner suggested ? She 
had declared that she had adopted the restraints im- 
posed by her Orders in Council with reluctance, be-f 
cause of their distressing effect on neutral powers. 
Here then was a favorable opportunity presented to 
her, to withdraw from that measure with honor, be 
the conduct of France, afterwards, what it might. 
Had Great-Britain revoked her Orders, and France 
failed to fulfil her engagement, she would have gain- 
ed credit at the expense of France, and could have 
sustained no injury by it, because the failure of 
France to maintain her faith would have replaced 
Great-Britain at the point from which she had depart- 
ed. To say that a disappointed reliance on the good 
faith of her enemy, would have reproached her fore- 
sight, would be to set a higher value on that quality 
than on consistency and good taith, and would sacri- 
fice to a mere suspicion towards an enemy, the plain 
obligations of justice towards a friendly power. 

Great-Britain has declined proceeding pari pacsu 
with France in the revocation of their respective 
Edicts. She has held aloof, and claims of the United 
States, proof, not only that Fiance has revoked her 
Decrees, but that she continues to act in conformity 
with the revocation. 

To shew that the repeal is respected, it is deemed 
sufficient to state, that not one vessel has been con- 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. b* 

demned by French tribunals, on the principles of those 
Decrees, since the 1st of November last.— *-The New- 
Orleans packet from Gibraltar to Bordeaux, was de- 
tained but never condemned. The Grace Ann 
Green, from the same British port, to Marseilles, was 
likewise detained, but afterwards delivered up uncon- 
ditionally to the owner, as was such part of the cargo 
of the New-Orleans packet as consisted of the pro- 
duce of the United States. Both these vessels pro- 
ceeding- from a British port, carried cargoes, some 
articles of which in each, were prohibited by the laws 
of Prance, or admissible by the sanction of the gov- 
ernment alone. It does not appear that their deten- 
tion was imputable to any other cause. If imputable 
to the circumstance of passing from a British to a 
French port, or on account of any part of their car- 
goes, it affords no cause of complaint in Great-Britain, 
as a violation of her neutral rights. No such cause 
would be afforded, even in a case of condemnation. 
The right of complaint, would have belonged to the 
United States. 

In denying the revocation of the Decrees, so far 
as it is a proper subject of discussion between us, it 
might reasonably be expected that you would pro- 
duce some examples of vessels taken at sea, in 
voyages to British ports, or on their return home, and 
condemned under them by a French tribunal. None 
such has been afforded by you. None such are 
known to this government 

You urge only as an evidence that the Decrees are 
not repealed, the speech of the Emperor of France 
to the deputies from the free cities of Hamburg, Bre- 
men, and Lubeck ; the Imperial Edict dated at Fon- 
tainbleau on the 19th of October, 1810; the report 
of the French minister of foreign affairs, dated in De- 
cember last, and a letter of the minister of Justice to 
the President of the Council of prizes of the 25th o\ 
that month. 

There is nothing in the first of these papers incom- 
patible with the revocation of the Decrees, in respect 
Jo the United Stales. It is distmcly declared bv 



38 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

the Emperor in his speech to the deputies of the 
Hanse Towns, that the blockade of the British 
Islands shall cease when the British blockades cease ; 
and that the French blockade shall cease in favor of 
tho:se nations in whose favor Great Britain revokes 
hers, or who support their rights against her preten- 
sion, as France admits the United States will do by 
enforcing the non-importation act. The same senti- 
ment is expressed in the report of the ministers of 
foreign affairs. — The Decree of Fontainbleau having 
no effect on the high seas, cannot be broughtinto this 
discussion. It evidently has no connection with neutral 
rights. The letter from the minister of justice, to 
the President of the Council of prizes, is of a different 
character. It relates in direct terms to this subject 
but not in the sense in which you understand it. Af- 
ter reciting the note from the duke of Cadore of the 
5th August last, to the American minister at Paris, 
which announced the repeal of the French Decrees, 
and the proclamation of the President in consequence 
of it, it states that all causes arising under those De- 
crees after the 1st of November, which were then be- 
fore the court, or might afterwards be brought before 
it, should not be judged by the principles of the De- 
crees, but be suspended until the 2d February, when 
the United States having fulfilled their engagement, 
the captures should be declared void, and the vessels 
and their cargoes delivered up to their owners. This 
paper appears to afford an unequivocal evidence of 
the revocation of the Decrees, so far as relates to the 
United States. By instructing the French tribunal' 
to make no decision till the 2d of February, and then 
to restore the property to the owners, on a particular 
event which has happened, all cause of doubt on that 
point seems to be removed. The United States may 
Justly complain of delay in the restitution of the prop- 
erty, but that is an injury which effects them only. 
Great-Britain has no right to complain of it She 
was interested only in the revocation of the Decrees 
l>v which neutral rights would be secured from future 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 39 

violation ; or it' she had been interested in the delay it 
would have afforded no pretext for more than a delay 
in repealing her orders the 2d of February. From 
that day at farthest the French Decrees would cease 
At the same day ought her Orders to have ceased. 1 
might add to this statement, that every communication 
received from the French government, either through 
our representatives there, or its representatives here, 
are in accord with the actual repeal of the Beriin and 
Milan Decrees, in relation to the neutral commerce of 
the United States. But it will suffice to remark that the 
best, and only adequate evidence of their ceasing to 
operate, is the deiect k of evidence that they do operate. 
It is a case where the want of proof against the fulfil- 
ment of a pledge is proof of the fulfilment. Eveiy 
case occurring, to which if the Decrees were in force, 
they would be applied, and to which they are not ap- 
plied, is a proof that they are not in force. And if 
these proofs have not been more multiplied, I need 
not remind you that a cause is to be found in the nu- 
merous captures under your Orders in Council, 
which continue to evince the rigour with which thec- 
al e enforced, after a failure of the basis on which they 
are supposed to rest. 

But Great-Britain contends, as appears by your last 
letters, that she ought not to revoke her Orders in 
Council, until the commerce of the continent is restor- 
ed to the state in which it stood before the Berlin and 
Milan Decrees were issued ; until the French Decrees 
are repealed not only as to the United States, but so as 
to permit Great-Britain to trade with the continent. Is 
it then meant that Great-Britain should be allowed 
to trade with all the powers with whom she traded at 
that epoch ? Since that time France has extended her 
conquests to the north, and raised enemies against 
Great-Britain, where she then had friends. Is it pro- 
posed to trade w ith them notwithstanding the change 
in their situation ? Between the enemies of one state 
and those of another, no discrimination can be made. 
There is none in reason nor can there be any of right, 



40 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

in practice. Or do you maintain the general princi- 
ple and contend that Great-Britain ought to trade 
with France and her Allies? Between enemies there 
can be no commerce. The vessels of either taken by 
the other are liable to confiscation and are always 
confiscated. The number of enemies or extent of 
country which ihey occupy, cannot affect the question. 
The laws of war govern the relation which subsist be- 
tween them, which especially in the circumstance un- 
der consideration are invariable. They were the 
same in times the most remote that thev now are. 
Even if peace had taken place between Gre;it-Bri- 
tainandthe powers of the continent she would not 
trade with them without their consent. Or does 
Great-Britain contend, that the United States as a 
neutral power, ought to open the continent to her com- 
merce, on such terms as she may designate ? On 
what principle can she .set up such a claim ? No ex- 
ample of it can be found in the history of past wars, 
nor is it founded in any recognized principle of v ar, 
or in any semblance of reason or right. The United 
States could not maintain such a claim in their 
own favor, though neutral — when advanced in fa- 
vor of an enemy, it would be the most preposterous 
and extravagant claim ever heard of. Every power 
when not restrained by treaty, has a right to regulate 
its trade with other nations, in such a manner as it 
finds it most consistent with its interest; to admit, 
andonilsown conditions, or to prohibit the importation 
of such articles as are necessary to supply the wants, or 
encourage the industry of its people. In what lig-ht 
would Great- Britain view an application from the 
United States for the repeal of right of any act of her 
parliament, which prohibited the importation of any 
article from the United States, such as their fish, or 
their oil ? Or which claimed the diminution of ihe du- 
ty on any oilier, .such as their tobacco on which so 
oreat a revenue is raised ? In what light would she 
view a similar application made at the instance of 
France, f<>r the importation into England, oi any arti- 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 41 

cle the growth or manufacture of that power which* it 
was the policy of the British government to prohibit. 

If delays have taken place in the restitution of A- 
merican property, and in placing" the American com- 
merce in the ports of Prance on a fair and satisfac- 
tory basis, they involve questions, as has already been 
6bserved, in which the United States alone are inter- 
ested. As they do not violate the revocation by 
France, of her Edicts, they cannot impair the obliga- 
tion of Great- Britain to revoke hers; nor change the 
epoch at which the revocation ought to have taken 
place. Had that duly followed, it is more than prob- 
able that those circumstances, irrelative as they are, 
which have excited doubt in Ihe British government 
of the practical revocation of the French Decrees, 
might not have occurred. 

Every view which can be taken of this subject in- 
creases the painful surprise at the innovations on all 
the principles and usages heretofore observed, which 
are so unreservedly contended for, in your letters of 
the 3d and 16th inst. and which, if persisted in by 
your government presents such an obstacle to the 
wishes of the United States, for a removal of the diffi- 
culties which have been connected with the Orders in 
Council. It is the interest of belligerents to mitigate 
the calamities of war, and neutral powers possess am- 
ple means to promote that object, provided they sus- 
tain with impartiality and firmness the dignity of their 
station. If belligerents expect advantage from neu- 
trals, they should leave them in the full enjoyment of 
their rights. The present war, has been oppressive 
beyond example, by its duration, and by the desolation 
which it has spread throughout Europe. It is highly 
important that it should assume, at least, a milder 
character. By the revocation of the French Edicts, 
so far as they respected the neutral commerce of the 
United States, some advance is made towards that 
most desirable and consoling result. Let Great- 
Britain follow the example. The ground thus gain- 
ed will soon be enlarged by the conrurrino; and pres- 
et 



42 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

sing interest of all parties, and whatever is gained,, will 
accrue to the advantage of afflicted humanity. 

I proceed to notice another part of your letter of the 
3d inst. which is viewed in a more favorable light. 
The President has received with great satisfaction the 
communication tl at should the Orders in Council of 
1807, be revoked, the blockade of May of the preced- 
ing year, would cease with them, and that any block- 
ade which should afterwards be instituted, should be 
duly notified and maintained by an adequate force. 
This frank and explicit declaration, worthy of the 
prompt and ^micab-e measure adopted by the Prince 
Regent in coming imo power, seems to remove a ma- 
terial obstacle to an accommodation of difference* 
between our countries, and when followed by the re- 
vocation of the Orders in Council, will, as I am 
authorised to inform you, produce an immediate ter- 
mination of the non-importation law, by an exercise 
of the power vested in the President for that purpose. 

I conclude with remarking that if I have confined 
this letter to the subjects brought into view by yours; 
it is not because the United States have lost sight in 
any degree of the other very serious causes of com- 
plaint, on >\hich they have received no satisfaction, 
but because the conciliatory policy of this government 
has thus far separated the case of the Orders in Coun- 
cil from others, and because with respect to these 
others, your communication has not afforded any 
reasonable prospect of resuming them, at this time, 
with success. It is presumed that the same liberal 
view of the true interests of Great-Britain, and friend- 
ly disposition towards the United States, which in- 
duced the Prince Regent to remove so material a 
difficulty as had arisen in relation to a repeal of the 
Orders in Council, will lead to a more favorable 
further consideration of the remaining difficulties on 
that subject and that the advantages of ai amicable 
adjustment ol every question, depending between 



HISTORY OF THE WAR, 



48 



the two countries, will be seen by your gorerhnjent, 
in the same light, as they are by that of the United- 
States. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

(Signed) JAMES MONROE 



Mr. Foster to Mr, Monroe. 

Washington, July 24th, 1811. 
SIR, 

Having been unable to ascertain distinctly from 

Sour letter to me of yesterday's date, whether it was 
le determination ot the President to rest satisfied 
with the partial repeal of the Berlin and Milan De- 
crees, which you believe has taken place, so as to see 
uo reason, in the conduct of France, for altering the 
relations between this country and Great-Britain, by 
exercising his power of suspending the operation of 
the non-importation act, allow me to repeat my ques- 
tion to you on this point, as contained in my letter of 
the 14th i»st. before I proceed to make any com- 
ments on your answer. 

1 have the honor to be, with distinguished consid- 
eration, sir, your most obedient humble servant, 

AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. 



Mir. Foster to Mr. Monroe. 

Washington, July 26th, 1811. 
SIR, 

I have had the honor to receive your letter of Julv 
23d, in answer to mine of the 3d and 14th inst. which 
you will permit me to say were not merely relative 
to his Majesty's Orders in Council, and the blockade 
of May 1806, but also to the President's proclama- 
tion of last November, and to the consequent act o^ 



44 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

Congress of March 2d, as well as to the just com- 
plaints which his Royal Highness, the Prince Re- 
gent, had commanded me to make to your govern- 
ment, with respect to the proclamation and to that 
act. 

If the United States* government had expected 
that I should have made communications which 
would have enabled them to come to an accommo- 
dation with Great-Britain on the ground on which 
alone you say it was possible to meet us, and that you 
mean by that expression a departure from our system 
of defence against the new kind of warfare still prac- 
tised by France, I am at a loss to discover from what 
source they could have derived those expectations ; 
certainly not from the correspondence between the 
Marquis Wellesly and Mr. Pinkney. 

Before I proceed to reply to the arguments which 
are brought forward by you to show that the Decrees 
of Berlin and Milan are repealed, I must first enter 
into an explanation upon some points on which you 
have evidently misapprehended, fori will not suppose 
you could have wished to misinterpret my meaning. 

And first, in regard to the blockade of May, 1806, 
I must avow that I am wholly at a Toss to find out 
from what part of my letter it is that the President has 
drawn the unqualified inference, that should the Or- 
ders in Council of 1807, be revoked, the blockade of 
May, 1806, would cease with them. — It is most mate- 
rial that, on this point, no mistake should exist be- 
tween us. From your letter it would appear, as if on 
the question of blockade which America had so un- 
expectedly connected with her demand for a repeal 
of our Orders in Council, Great-Britain had made the 
concession required of her; as if, after all that has 
passed on the subject, after the astonishment and re- 
gret of his Majesty's government at the United Stales 
having taken up the view which the French govern- 
ment presented, of our just and legitimate principles 
of blockade, which are exemplified in the blockade of 
May, 1806, the whole ground taken by his Majesty v s 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 45 

government was at once abandoned. When I had 
the honor to exhibit to you my instructions, and to 
draw up as I conceived, according to your wishes and 
those of the President, a statement of the mode in 
which that blockade would probably disappear ; I 
never meant to authorise such a conclusion, and [ 
now beg- most unequivocally to disclaim it. The 
blockade of May 1806, will not continue after the 
repeal of the Orders in Council, unless his Majesty's 
government shall think tit to sustain it by the special 
application of a sufficient naval force, and the fact of 
its being so continued or not, will be notified at the 
time. If, in this view of the matter, which is certain- 
ly presented in a conciliatory spirit, one of the obsta- 
cles to a complete understanding between our coun- 
tries can be removed by the United States govern- 
ment waving all further reference to that blockade 
when they can be justified in asking a repeal of the 
Orders, aifd if I may communicate this to my govern- 
ment, it will undoubtedly be very satisfactory ; but I 
beg distinctly to tlisavow having made any acknowl- 
edgement that the blockade would cease merely in 
consequence of a revocation of the Orders in Coun- 
cil ; whenever it does cease, it will cease because 
there will be no adequate force to maintain it. 

On another very material point, sir, you appear to 
have misconstrued my words ; for in no one passage 
of my letter can I discover any mention of innovations 
on the part of Great-Britain, such as you say excited 
a painful surprise in your government. There is no 
new pretension set up by his Majesty's government. 
In answer to questions of yours, as to what were the 
Decrees or regulations of France which Great-Bri- 
tain complained of, and against which she directs her 
retaliatory measures, I brought distinctly into your 
view the Berlin and Milan Decrees, and you have 
not denied, because, indeed, you could not, that the 
provisions of those Decrees were new measures of 
war on the part of France, acknowledged as such by 
her ruler, and contrary to the principles and usages of 



46 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

civilized nations. That the present war has been op- 
pressive beyond example by its duration, and the des- 
olation it spreads through Europe, I willingly agree 
with you, but Ihe United States cannot surely mean 
to attribute the cause to Great-Britain. The question 
between Great-Britain and France is that of an hon- 
orable struggle against the lawless efforts of an am- 
bitious tyrant, and America can but have the wish of 
every independent nation as to its result. 

On a third point, sir, I have a'so to regret that my 
meaning should have been mistaken. Great-Britain 
never contended that British merchant vessels should 
be allowed to trade with her enemies, or that British 
property should be allowed entry into their ports, as 
you would infer ; such a pretension would indeed be 
preposterous ; but Great-Britain does contend against 
the system of terror put in practice by France, by 
which usurping authority wherever her arms or the 
timidity of nations will enable her to extend her influ- 
ence, she makes it a crime to neutral countries as well 
as individuals that they should possess articles, howev- 
er acquired, which may have been once the produce 
of English industry or of the British soil. Against 
such an abominable and extravagant pretension every 
feeling must revolt, and the honor no less than the 
interest of Great-Britain engages her to oppose it. 

Turning to the course of argument contained in 
your your letter, allow me to express my surprise at 
the conclusion you draw in considering the question 
of priority relative to the French Decrees or British 
Orders in Council. It was clearly provetl that the 
blockade of May, 1806, was maintained by an ade- 
quate naval force, and therefore was a blockade 
founded on just and legitimate principles, and I have 
not heard that it was considered in a contrary light 
when notified as such to you by Mr. Secretary Fox, 
nor until it suited the views of France to endeavor 
to have it considered otherwise. Why America took 
up the view the French government chose to give of 
it, and could see in it grounds for the French De- 
crees, was always matter of astonishment in England* 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 47 

Your remarks on modifications at various times of 
our svstem of retaliation will require the less reply 
from the circumstance of the Orders in Council of 
April, 1309, having superceded them all. They were 
calculated for ihe avowed purpose of softening the effect 
of the original Orders on neutral commerce, the inci- 
dental effect of those Orders on neutrals having been 
always sincerely regreled by his Majesty's govern- 
ment ; but when it was found that neutrals objected to 
them they were removed. 

As to the principle of retaliation, it is founded on 
the just and natural right of self defence against our 
enemy ; if France is unable to enforce her Decrees 
on the ocean, it is not from the want of will, for she 
enforces them wherever she can do it ; her threats are 
only empty where her power is of no avail. 

In the view you have taken of the conduct of 
America, in her relations w ith the two belligerents, 
and in the conclusion you draw with respect to the 
impartiality of your country, as exemplified in the non- 
importation law, I lament to say I cannot agree with 
you. That act is a direct measure against the Bri- 
tish trade, enactedat a time when all the legal authori- 
ties in the United States appeared ready to contest 
the statement of a repeal of the French Decrees, on 
which was founded the Presidents proclamation of 
November 2d, and consequently to dispute the justice 
of the proclamation itself. 

You urge, sir, that the British government promised 
to proceed pari passu with Fiance in the repeal of her 
Edicts. It is to be wished you could point out to us any 
step France has taken in repeal of hers. Great-Bri- 
tain has repeatedly declared that she would repeal 
w hen theFrench did so, and she means to keep to that 
declaration. 

I have stated to you that we could not consider the 
letter of August 5, declaring the repeal of the French 
Edicts, providing we revoked our Orders in Council, 
or America resented our not doing so, as a step of that 
mature; and the French government knew that ue 



48 



HISTORY OP THE W^R. 



could not; their object was evidently while their sys- 
tem was adhered to, in all its rigour, to endeavor to 
persuade the American government that they had re- 
laxed from it and to induce her to proceed in enfor- 
cing the submission of Great-Britain to the inordinate 
demands of France. It is to be lamented that they 
have but too well succeeded ; for the United Slates 
government appear to have considered the French 
Declaration in the sense in which France wished it to 
be taken, as an absolute repeal of her Decrees, without 
adverting to the conditional terms which accompani- 
ed it. 

But you assert that no violations of your neutral 
rights by France occur on the high seas, and that 
these were all the violations alluded to in the act of 
Congress of May, 1810. 1 readily believe indeed that 
such cases are rare, but it is owing to the preponde- 
rance of the British navy that they are so, when scarce 
a ship under the French flag can venture to sea with- 
out being taken, it is not extraordinary that they make 
no captures. If such violations alone were within the 
purview of your law, there would seem to have been 
no necessity for its enactment. The Briiish navy 
might have been safely trusted for the prevention of 
this occurrence. But I have always believed and 
my government has believed that the American 
legislators had in view in the provision of their law 
as it respects France not only her deeds of violence 
on the seas, but all the novel and extraordinary pre- 
tensions and practices of her government which in- 
fringed their neutral rights. 

We have bad no evidence as yet of any of those 
pretensions being abandoned. To the ambiguous de- 
claration in Mr. Champagny's note is opposed the 
unambiguous and personal declaration of Bonaparte 
himself. You urge that there is nothing incompati- 
ble with the revocation of the Decrees in respect to 
the United States in his expressions to the deputies 
from the free cities of Hamburgh, Bremen, and Lu- 
beck, that it is distinctly stated in that speech, that 



EISTORY OF THE WAR, 49 

the blockade of the British Islands shall cease when 
the British blockade shall cease, and that the French 
blockade shall cease in favor of those nations in 
whose favor Great-Britain revokes hers or who sup- 
port their rights against her pretensions. 

It is to be infered from this and the corresponding 
parts of the declaration alluded to, that unless Great- 
Britain sacrifices her principles of blockade, which 
are those authorized by the established laws of nations, 
France will still maintain her Decrees of Berlin and 
Milan, which indeed, the speech in question declares 
to be the fundamental laws of the French empire. 

I do not, I confess, conceive how these avowals of 
the ruler of France, can be said to be compatible with 
the repeal of his Decrees in respect to the United 
States. If the United States are prepared to insist, on 
the sacrifices by Great-Britain of the ancient and esta- 
blished rules of maritime war practised by her, then 
indeed they may avoid the operation of the French 
Decrees, but otherwise, according to this document, 
it is very clear that they are still subjected to them. 

The Decree of Fountainbleau is confessedly found- 
ed on the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, dated the 
19th October, 1810, and proves their continued exis- 
tence. The report of the French minister of Decem- 
ber 8, announcing the perseverance of France in her 
Decrees is still further in confirmation of them, and 
a re-perusal of the letter of the minister of Justice, of 
the 20th last December, confirms me in the inference 
I drew from it, for otherwise why should that minis- 
ter make the prospective restoration of American ves- 
sels, taken after the 1st of November, to be a conse- 
quence of the non-importation, and not of the French 
revocation. If the French government had been 
sincere, they would have ceased infringing on the 
neutral rights of America, after the 1st November. — 
That they violated them, however, after that period, . 
is notorious. 

Your government seem to let it. be understood that 
an ambiguous declaration from Great-Britain, similar 



50 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

to that of the French minister, would have been ac- 
ceptable to them. But, sir, is it consistent with the 
dignity oi a nation that respects itself, to speak in am- 
biguous language? The subjects and citizens of 
either country would in the end be the victims, as 
many are already, in all probability, who from a mis- 
construction of the meaning- of the French govern- 
ment, have been led into the most imprudent specu- 
lations. Such conduct would not be to proceed pari 
passu with France in revoking our Edicts, but to de- 
scend to the use ot the perfidious and juggling con- 
trivances of her cabinet, by which she fills her coffers 
at the expense of independent nations. A similar 
construction of proceeding pari passu might lead to 
such Decrees as those ot Rambouillet, or ot Bayonne, 
to the system of exclusion or of licences, all nieastires 
of France against the American commerce, is noth- 
ing short of absolute hostility. 

It is urged that.no vessel has been condemned by 
the tribunals ot France, on the principles of her De- 
crees since the 1st of November. You allow, how- 
ever, that there have been some detained since that 
period, and that sjiichpart of the cargoes as consisted 
of goods not the produce of America, was seized, and 
the other part, together with the vessel itself, only re- 
leased niter the President's proclamation became 
k.'own in France. These circumstances surely, only 
p ove the difficulty that France is under in reconcil- 
ing her anti-commercial and anti-neutral system, w ilh 
her desire to express her satisfaction at the measures 
taken in America against the eonnnerce of Great- 
Britain. Sue seizes in virtue of the Berlin aiut iYiihm 
Decrees, but she makes a partial restoration for the 
purpose of deceiving America. 

I have now followed \ou, I believe, sir, through the 
whole range of your argument, and on reviewing the 
course of it, 1 think 1 may securely sa) that no satis- 
factory proof hasvet been brought tor ward of the re- 
peal of the obnoxious Decrees of France, but on the 
contrary, that it appears they continue in tuti torce, 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. d\ 

consequently that no grounds exist on which you can, 
with justice, demand of Great-Britain a revocation 
of her Orders in Council ; — that we have a right to 
complain of the conduct of the American government, 
in enforcing the provisions of the act of May, IS 10, 
to the exclusion of the British trade, and afterwards 
in obtaining a special law for the same purpose, though 
it was notorious at the time that France still continu- 
ed her aggressions upon American commerce, and 
had recently promulgated anew her Decrees, suffer- 
ing no trade from this country, but through licences 
publicly sold by her agent, and that all the supposi- 
tions you have formed of innovations on the part of 
Great-Britain, or of her pretensions to trade with her 
enemies are wholly groundless. I have also stated to 
you the view his Majesty's government has taken of 
the question of the blockade of May, 1806, and it 
now only remains that I urge afresh the injustice of 
the United States' government persevering in their 
union with the French system for the purpose of 
crushing the commerce of Great-Britain. 

From every consideration which equity, good poli- 
cy or iuterest can suggest, there appears to be such 
a call upon America to give up this system, which 
favors France, to the injury of Great-Britain, that I 
cannot, however little satisfactory your communica- 
tions are, as yet abandon all hopes that even before 
the Congress meet, a new view may be taken of the 
subject by the President, which wdl lead to a more 
happy result. 

I have the honor to be, with very high considera- 
tion and respect, sir, your most obedient humble ser- 
vant, 

AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. 

To the lion. James Monroe, <$fc. 



52 HISTORY OF THE AVAR- 

Mr, Monroe to Mr. Foster. 

DEPARTMENT OP STATE, July 27th, 1811. 

SIR, 

I had the honor to receive your letter of yesterday's 
date, in time to submit it to the view of the President 
before he left town. 

It was my object to state to you in my letter of the 
23d inst. that under existing circumstances, it was 
impossible for the President to terminate the operation 
of the non-importation law of the 2d of March last; 
that France having excepted the proposition made 
by a previous law equally to Great-Britain and to 
France, and having revoked her Decrees, violating 
our neutral rights, and Great-Britain having declined 
to revoke hers, it became the dutv of this government 
to fulfil its engagement, and to declare the non-impor- 
tation law in force against Great-Britain. 

This state of affairs has not been sought by the 
United States. When the proposition, contained in 
the law of May 1st, 1810, was offered equally to both 
powers, there was cause to presume that Great-Bri- 
tain would have accepted it, in which event the non- 
importation law would not have operated against 
her. 

It is in the power of the British government at this 
time to enable the President to set the non-importa- 
tion law aside, by rendering to the United States an 
act of justice. If Great-Britain will cease to violate 
our neutral rights by revoking her Orders in Coun- 
cil, on which event alone the President has the pow- 
er, I am instructed to inform you that lie will, without 
delay, exercise it by terminating the operation of this 
law. 

It is presumed tiial the communications which I 
have had the honor to make to you, of the revocation 
by France of her Decrees, so far as theyjviolated the 
yeutral rights of the United States, and of her con- 
duct since the revocation, will present to your gov- 
ernment a different view of the subject, from thai, 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 58 

which it had before taken, and produce in its coun- 
cils a correspondent effect. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 
(Signed) JAMES MONROE. 

Augustus J. Foster Esq. fyc. 



Mr. Monroe to Mr. Foster. 

SIR, 

I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 
26th of July, and to submit it to the view of the 
President. 

In answering that letter, it is proper that I should 
notice a complaint that I had omitted to reply in 
mine of the 23d of July, to your remonstrance against 
the proclamation of the President, of November last, 
and to the demand which you had made, by order of 
your government of the repeal of the non-importation 
act of March 2d, of the present year. 

My letter has certainly not merited this imputation. 

Having shewn the injustice of the British govern- 
ment in issuing the Orders in Cmncil on the pretext 
assigned, and its still greater injustice in adhering to 
them after that pretext had failed, a respect for Great- 
Britain, as well as for the United States, prevented 
my placing in the strong light in which the subject 
naturally presented itself, the remonstrance alluded 
to, and the extraordinary demand founded on it, that 
while your government accommodated in nothing, 
the United States should relinquish the ground, which 
by a just regard to the public rights and honor, they 
had been compelled to take. Propositions tending 
to degrade a nation can never be brought into discus- 
sion by a government not prepared to submit to the 
degradation. It was for this reason that I confined 
my reply to those passages in your letter, which in- 
volved the claim of tne United States, on the princi- 
ples of justice, to the revocation of the Orders in 



54 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 

Council. Your demand, however, was neither un- 
noticed or unanswered. In laying before you the 
complete, and as was believed, irresistible proof on 
which the United States expected, and called for the 
revocation of the Orders in Council, a very explicit 
answer was supposed to be given to that demand. 

Equally unfounded is your complaint that I mis- 
understood that passage which claimed, as a condi- 
tion of the revocation of the Orders in Council, 
that the trade of Great-Britain with the continent 
should be restored to the state in which it was before 
the Berlin and Milan Decrees were issued. As this 
pretension was novel and extraordinary, it was neces- 
sarv that a distinct idea should be formed of it, and 
with that view, I asked such an explanation as would 
enable me to form one. 

In the explanation given, you do not insist on the 
right to trade in British property, with British vessels, 
directly with your enemies. Such a claim, you ad- 
mit, would be preposterous. But you do insist by 
necessary implication, that France has no right to 
inhibit the the importation into her ports of British 
manufactures, of the produce of the British soil, when 
the property of neutrals ; and that, until France re- 
moves that inhibition, the United States are to be 
cut off by Great-Britain from all trade whatever, with 
her enemies. 

On such a pretension it isalmost impossible to rea- 
son. There is I believe, no example of it in the his- 
torv of past wars. Great-Britain, the enemy of France 
undertakes to regulate the trade of France ; nor is that 
all ; she tells her that she must trade in British goods. 
If France and Great-Britain were at peace, this pre- 
tension would not be set up, nor even thought of. 
Has Great-Britain then acquired in this respect by 
war, rights winch she has not in peace? And does 
she announce to neutral nations, that unless they con- 
it. to become the instruments of tins policy, their 
commerce shall be annihilated, and their vessels 
shall be shut up in their own ports ? 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 56 

I might ask whether French goods are admited in- 
to Great-Britain, even in peace, and if they are, whe- 
ther it be of right, or by the consent and policy of 
the British government ? 

That the property would be neutralized does not 
effect the question. If the United States have no right 
to carry their own productions into France without 
the consent of the French government, how can they 
undertake to carry there those of Great-Britain ? In 
all cases it must depend on the interest and the 
will of the party. 

Nor is it material to what extent, or by what pow- 
ers, the trade to the continent is prohibited. If the 
powers who prohibit it, are at war with Great Britain, 
the prohibition is a necessary consequence of that 
state. If at peace, it is their own act; and whether 
it be volunti-ry, or compulsive, they alone are answer- 
able for it. If the act be taken at the instigation 
and under the influence of France, the most that can 
be said, is, that it justifies reprisal against them, bv a 
similar measure On no principle whatever can it 
be said to give any sanction to the conduct of Great- 
Britain towards neutral nations. 

The United States can have no objection to the 
employment of their commercial capital in the sup- 
ply of France, and of the continent generallv, with 
manufactures, and to comprise in the supply those of 
Great-Britain, provided those powers will consent to 
it. But they cannot undertake to force such 
supplies on France or on any other power, in com- 
pliance with the claim of the British government, on 
principles incompatible with the rights of every inde- 
pendent nation, and they will not demand in favor of 
another power, what they cannot claim for them- 
selves. 

Ail that Great-Britain could with reason complain 
of, was tie inhibition by the French Decrees, of the 
lawful trade of neutrals, with the British dominions. 
As soon as that inhibition ceased, her inhibition of 
our trade with France ought in like manner to have. 



56 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

ceased. Having- pledged herself to proceed pari 
passu with France, in the revocation of theirrespective 
acts violating neutral rights it has afforded just cause 
of complaint, and even of astonishment, to the Unit- 
ed States, that the British government should have 
sanctioned the seizure and condemnation of Ameri- 
can vessels under the Orders in Council after the revo- 
cation of the French Decrees was announced, and 
even in the very moment when your mission, avowed 
to be conciliatory, was to have its effect. 

I will only add that had it appeared finally, that 
France had failed to perform her engagements, it 
might at least have been expected, that Great-Bri- 
tain would not have molested such of the vessels of the 
United States as might be entering the ports of France, 
on the faith of both governments, till that failure was 
clearly proved. 

To many insinuations in your letter I make no re- 
ply, because they sufficiently suggest the only one 
that would be proper. 

If it were necessary to dwell on the impartiality 
which has been observed by the United States tow- 
ards the two belligerents, I might ask, whether if 
Great-Britain had accepted the condition which was 
offered equally to her and France, by the act of May 
1st, 1810, and France had rejected it, there is cause 
to doubt that the non-importation act would have been 
carried into effect against France ? No such doubt 
can possibly exist because in a former instance, when 
this government, trusting to a fulfilment by yours of 
an arrangement which put an end to a non-inter- 
course with Great-Britain, the non-intercourse was 
continued against France, who had not then repealed 
her Decrees as it was not doubted England had done. 
Has it not been repeatedly declared to your govern- 
ment that if Great-Britain would revoke her Orders 
in Council, the President would immediately cause 
the non-importation to cease ? You well know that 
the same declaration has often been made to yourself, 
and that nothing more is wanting to the removal of 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 57 

the existing" obstructions to the commerce between, 
the two countries, than a satisfactory assurance, which 
will be received with pleasure from yourself, that the 
Orders in Council are at an end. 

By the remark in your letter of the 3d of July, that 
the blockade of May, 1806, had been included in the 
more comprehensive system of the Orders in Council 
of the following" year, and that, if that blockade should 
be continued in force after the repeal of the Orders in 
Council, it would be in consequence of the special ap- 
plication of a sufficient naval force, I could not but in- 
fer your idea to be, that the repeal of the Orders in 
Council would necessarily involve the repeal of the 
blockade of May. I was the more readily induced to 
make this inference, from the consideration that if the 
blockade was not revoked by the repeal of the Orders in 
Council, there would be no necessity for giving notice 
that it would be continued ; as by the further considera- 
tion, that according - to the decision of your court of ad- 
miralty, a blockade instituted by proclamation does not 
cease by the removal of the force applied to it, nor 
without a formal notice by the government to that 
effect. 

It is not, however, wished to discuss any question 
relative to the mode by which that blockade may be 
terminated. Its actual termination is the material ob- 
ject for consideration. 

It is easy to shew, and it has already been abund- 
antly shown, that the blockade of May, 1806, is in- 
consistent on any view that may be taken of it with 
the law of nations. It is also easy to show that, as 
now expounded, it was equally inconsistent with the 
sense of your government, when the order was issued ; 
and this change is a sufficient reply to the remarks 
which you have applied to me personally. 

If you will examine the order, you wilt find that it is 
strictly, little more than a blockade of the coast from 
the Seine to Ostend. There is an express reserva- 
tion in it in favor of neutrals to any part of the coast 
between Brest and the ^eine, and between Oslene 
8 



58 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

and the Elbe. Neutral powers are permitted by it to 
take from their own ports every kind of produce 
without distinction as to its origin ; and to carry it to 
the continent under that limitation, and with the ex- 
ception only of contraband of war, and enemy's prop- 
erty, and to bring thence to their own ports in return, 
whatever articles they think lit. Why were contra- 
band of war and enemy's property excepted, if a 
commerce even in those articles would not otherwise 
have been permitted under the reservation ? ]Mo or- 
der was necessary to subject them to seizure. They 
were liable to it according' to the law of nations, as 
asserted by Great-Britain. 

Why then did the British government institute a 
blockade which with respect toneutials was not rig- 
orous as to the greater part of the coast comprised in 
it ? L you will look to the state of things which then 
existed between the United States and Great-Britain, 
you will find tie answer. A controversy had taken 
place between our governments on a different topic, 
which was still pending. The British government 
had interfered v\i.h the trade between France and her 
allies in the produce of their colonies. The just 
claim of the United States was then a subject of ne- 
gotiation ; and your government professing its wil- 
lingness to make a satisfactory arrangement of it, is- 
sued the Order which allowed the trade, without 
making any concession as to the principle, reserving 
that for adjustment by treaty. It was in this light that 
1 viewed, and in this sense that I represented that or- 
der to my government; and in no other did 1 make 
any comment on it. 

VVhenyou reflect that this order by allowing the trade 
of neutrals, in colonial productions, to all that portion 
of the coast which was not rigorously blockaded, af- 
forded to the United States an accommodation in a 
principal poiutthen at issue between our governments, 
and of which their citizens extensively availed them- 
selves that that trade and the question ot blockade, 
and every other question in which the United States 



HISTORY OF THE AVAR. 59 

-and Great-Britain were interested, were then in a train 
of amicable negotiation, you will I think, see the 
cause why the minister who then represented the 
United States with the British government did not 
make a formal complaint against it. You have ap- 
pealed to me who happened to be that minister, and 
urged my silence as an evidence of my approbation of, 
or at least acquiesce in the blockade. — An explana- 
tion of the cause of that supposed silence is not less 
due to myself, than to the true character of the trans- 
action. With the minister with whom I had the hon- 
or to treat, I may add, that an official formal com- 
plaint was not likely to be resorted to, because friend- 
ly communications were invited and prefered. The 
want of such a document is no proof that the meas- 
ure was approved by me, or that no Complaint was 
made. In recalling to my mind as this incident na- 
turally does, the manly character of that distinguished 
and illustrious statesmen, and the confidence with 
which he inspired all those with whom he had to treat, 
I shall be permitted to express as a slight tribute of 
respect to his memory, the very high consideration in 
which I have always held his great talents and virtues. 

The United States have not, nor can they approve 
the blockade of an extensive coast. Nothing certain- 
ly can be infered from anv thing that has passed rel- 
ative to the blockade of May, 1806, to countenance 
such an inference. 

It is seen wilh satisfaction that you still admit that 
the application of an adequate force is necessary to 
give a blockade a legal character, and that it will lose 
that character whenever that adequate force ceases to 
be applied. As it cannot be alledged that the appli- 
cation of any such adequate force has been continued, 
and actually exists in the case ol the blockade of May, 
1806, it would seem to be a fair inference that the 
repeal of the Orders in Council will leave no insuper- 
able difficulty with respect to it. To suppose the contra- 
ry would be to suppose that the Orders in Council said 
to include that blockade, resting themselves onaprin- 



60 HISTORY OF THE WAK. 

ciple of retaliation only, and not sustained by the ap- 
plication of an adequate force, would have the effect 
of sustaining" a blockade admitted to require the ap- 
plication of an adequate force, until such adequate 
force should actually take the place of the Orders in 
Council. Whenever any blockade is instituted, it 
will be a subject for consideration, and if the block- 
ade be in conformity to the law of nations, there will 
be no disposition in this government to contest it. 
[ have the honor to be, 8cc. 

(Signed) JAMES MONROE 

Augustus J. Foster, Esq. fyc. 



Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroe. 

Washington, October 22, 1811. 
SIR, 

I had the honor to receive your letter of the 17th 
inst. together with its three enclosures, on the road 
between Baltimore and this city ; I had that of re- 
ceiving- at the same time, your letter dated October 1, 
in answer to mine of the 26th of last July. 

Not having had any despatches from his Majesty's 
Government lately, I have not as yet received the copy 
of the recent communication from Paris in regard to 
the supposed repeal of the French Decrees which the 
charge'd'affairs of the United States at London, has 
intimated to you that he understood the Marquis 
Wellesley intended to transmit to me, and which I 
conclude is the same as that contained in the letter of 
Mr. Russell, the American Charge d' affairs in 
France. I am however in daily expectation of the 
arrival of his Majesty's packet boat, when it will in 
all probability reach me, and when if I should receive 
any fresh instructions in consequence I will not fail 
immediately to acquaint you. Iu the meanwhile, 
however, I beg you will permit me to make some re- 
marks in reply to your letter of October 1, being ex- 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 61 

tremely anxious to do away the impression which you 
seem to have received relative to the demand I had 
made for the repeal of the non-importation act of the 
present year. 

It is, I assure you, sir, with very great regret that 
I find you consider that demand as involving 1 in any 
degree propositions tending to degrade your nation. 
Such an idea certainly never existed with his Majes- 
ty's Government, nor would it be compatible with the 
friendly sentiments entertained by them, for the Unit- 
ed States ; neither could I have suffered myself to be 
the channel of conveying a demand which I thought 
had such a tendency. — However you view the de- 
mand made on the part of Great-Britain, I can safely 
say that it was made in consequence of its appearing 
to his Majesty's Government on strong evidence that 
the chief of the French nation had really deceived 
America as to the repeal of his Decrees and in the 
hopes that the United States' Government would there- 
fore see the justice of replacing this country on its 
former footing of amicable relations with E lgland, 
nothirg appearing to be more natural than such an ex r 
pectation, which seemed a necessary consequence of 
the disposition expressed by America to maintain 
her neutrality, and desirable in every other point of 
view. I cannot indeed bring myself to think, sir, 
that your candor would allow you, on a consideration, 
to put any other construction on the matter, and had 
my arguments had sufficient weight with you in 
shewing that the French Decrees were still in force, 
I cannot doubt but you would have agreed with me 
in the conclusion I drew — it would seem therefore 
only owing to your not viewing the deceitful conduct 
of the French government in the same light that it ap- 
pears to his Majesty's government, that a difference of 
opinion exists between us as to the proposal I made, 
which under the conviction entertained by them was, 
surely a very just and natural one. 

From the earnest desire of vindicating myself and 
my government from the charge of making any de* 



(5*2 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 

grading or unjust demands on that of America, I 
have taken the liberty to trouble you so far and I will 
now proceed to shew why I thought you had misun- 
derstood the passage of my letter which related to the 
extent in which the repeal of the French Decrees was 
required by Great-Britain. In the explanation which 
you desired on this point I gave you that which the 
Marquis Wellesley gave to Mr. Pinkney in answer 
to his letter of August 25, 1810, and I beg to refer 
you to the message of the President of the United 
States on the opening of Congress in December, 1810, 
for a proof that the demand of Great-Britain in the 
extent in which I have stated it was known to your 
government several months ago — how was I there- 
fore to suppose in the term innovations, as applied to 
the explanation given by me, that you could mean 
otherwise than some really new pretension on the 
part of Great-Britain such as that France should suf- 
fer British property to be carried into her ports for 
the purposes of trade ? If the warmth I was betrayed 
into in endeavoring to refute a supposed imputation 
of this sort gave any offence, I sincerely regret it, and 
I will beg permission here to say, sir, that if uncon- 
sciously I have by any of my remarks led you to sup- 
pose they conveyed any improper insinuations, as one 
paragraph of your letter would appear to imply, I am 
most unfeignedly sorry for it, as I entertain the high- 
est respect for you personally and for your govern- 
ment, and could only have meant what I wrote in the 
way of argument, or for the purpose of contrasting the 
proceedings of France in her conduct towards the 
United States with that of Great-Britain. 

In reverting to the extraordinary and unprecedent- 
ed situation of things that has arisen out of the war 
in Europe it would seem needless to repeat the evi- 
dence there is that the lawless and unbounded ambi- 
tion of the ruler ot France has been the origin of it, 
and it cannot be a secret to the United States' govern- 
ment that his plan lias been and avowedly continues 
to be, not to scruple at the violation of any law, pro* 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 63 

vided he can thereby overthrow the maritime pow- 
er of England. Is it not therefore reasonable in 
Great-Britain to distrust an ambiguous declaration ot 
his having suddenly given up any part of a system 
which he thought calculated to produce such an ef- 
fect? You say however that the Decrees of Berlin 
and Milan are revoked. America as not being at 
war and therefore not seeing so clearly into the views 
of France, may be less scrupulous as to the evidence 
necessary to prove the fact — but sir, it surely cannot 
be expected that Great-Britain, who is contending for 
everything that is dear to her, should not require more 
proof on a point so material to her. It is undoubtly a 
very desirable thing for the United States to have a 
free and unrestricted trade with both belligerents, but 
the essential security and most important interests of 
America are not im olved in the question as are those 
of Great-Britain. France has levelled a blow which 
she hopes will prove deadly to the resources of Great- 
Britain, and before the British government can with 
safety give up the measures of defence in consequence 
adopted by them, very strong proof must exist of the 
cessation by France of her novel and unprecedented 
measures. 

I confess, sir with the sincerest disposition to discover 
on the part of the ruler of France a return to the long- 
established practice of warfare as exercised in civiliz- 
ed Europe, I have been unable to succeed; mid if 
the French government had really meant to with- 
draw their obnoxious Decrees, it is inconceivable why, 
instead of allowing their intensions to be guessed at or 
inferred, they should not openly and in plain lan- 
guage have declared so ; the Decrees themselves hav- 
ing 1 been clearly enough announced on their enact- 
ment, why should not their revocation be equally ex- 
plicit. 

While, however, numerous declarations have been 
made on the part of France of the continued existence 
of the Decrees and captures made under them of neu- 
tral shins have occurred, a few of the American vessel* 



64 IirSTORY OF THE WAR. 

seized since November 1, have been restored, and the 
foregoing', a very small part of his plunder, is desired 
by Bonaparte to be considered as a proof of the sin- 
cerity of his revocation by America ; but it must be 
recollected that besides the object of ruining- the Bri- 
tish resources by his own unauthorised regulations, he 
has also that of endeavoring to obtain the aid of the 
United States for the same purpose, and herein you 
will, as I had the honor to remark in a former letter, 
be able to observe the cause of the apparently contra- 
dictory language held both by himself and his min- 
isters. 

I shall be extremely happy, to receive from you, 
sir, the information that in a frank and unambiguous 
manner the chief of the French go\ ernment had re- 
voked his Decrees. Why he should not do so is in- 
explicable if he means to revert to the ordinary rules 
of war, but while he exercises such despotic sway 
wherever his influence extends, to ruin the resources 
of England, it cannot be expected that Great-Britain 
shall not use the means she possesses for the purpose of 
making him feel the pressure of his own system. 
There is every reason to believe that ere long the ef- 
fects on the enemies of Great-Britain will be such as 
irresistibly to produce a change which will place com- 
merce on its former basis. In the mean time, sir, I 
hope you will not think it extraordinary if 1 should 
contend that the seizure of American ships by France, 
since November 1, and the positive and unqualified 
declarations of the French government are stronger 
proofs of the continued existence of the French De- 
crees and the bad faith of the ruier of France, than the 
restoration of five or six vessels, too palpably given 
up for fallacious purposes or in testimony of his satis- 
faction at the attitude taken by America, is a | root ot 
their revocation, or of his return to the principles o( 
justice. 

1 will only repeat, sir, in answer to your observa- 
tions, on tin 1 late condemnation of the ships taken un- 
•1<-T his Majesty's Orders in Council, what I have 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. G£ 

already had the honor to state to you, that the delay 
which took place in their condemnation was not in 
consequence of any doubt existing' in his Majesty's 
government, as to whether the French Decrees were 
revoked, as you seem to imagine, but in consequence 
of its being thought that the American government, 
upon its appearing that thev were deceived by Fiance, 
vvould have ceased their injurious measures against 
the British commerce. A considerable time elapsed 
before the decision took place on those ships, and 
there is no doubt, but that had the United States' gov- 
ernment not persisted in the unfriendly attitude to- 
wards Great-Britain on discovering the ill faith of 
France, a spirit pi conciliation in Ins Majesty's gov- 
ernment would have caused their release. 

In reply to your observations on the pretensions of 
Great-Britain relative to the revocation of the French 
Decrees, I beg to repeat that the sum of the demand 
made by England is, that France should follow the es- 
tablished laws of warfare as practised in former wars 
in Europe. Her ruler by his Decrees of Berlin and 
Milan declared himself no longer bound by them ', he 
has openly renounced them in his violent efforts to 
ruin the resources of Great-Britain, and has trampled 
on the rights of independent nations to effect his pur- 
pose, if the French government make use of means 
.of unprecedented violence to prevent the intercourse 
of England with unoffending neutrals, can it be ex- 
pected that England should tamely suffer the estab- 
lishment of such a novel system of war without retalia- 
tion, and endeavoring in her turn to prevent the 
French from enjoying the advantages of which she 
is unlawfully deprived ? 

Having explained already the situation in which 
the question of the blockade of May, 1806, rests, ac- 
cording to the views of his Majesty's government, and 
the desire of Great-Britain to conduct her system of 
blockade according to the laws of nations, I will only 
advert to it on this occasion for the purpose of taking* 
the liberty of acknowledging 1 to vou the verv great 
9 



$6 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

pleasure I received from the highly honorable mark 
of respect which you have taken the occasion to ex- 
press for the illustrious statesman from whose counsels 
that measure emanated. 

1 need not repeat to you, sir, what sincere satisfac- 
tion it would give me, if without the sacrifice of the 
essential rights and interests of Great-Britain all the 
points in discussion between our two countries could 
be finally adjusted. 

1 have the honor to be, with the highest considera- 
tion and respect, sir, yours, 

AUG. J. FOSTER. 
To the hon. James Monroe, <$fc. 



Adjustment of the affair of the Chesa- 
peake and the Leopard. 



MESSAGE. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
L niled States. 

I communicate to Congress copies of a correspond- 
ence between the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister 
Plenipotentiary of Great-Britain and the Secretary of 
Slate, relative to the aggression committed by a Brit- 
ish Ship of war on the United States Frigate Chesa- 
peake, by which it will be seen that the subject of dif- 
ference between the two countries, is terminated by 
an offer of reparation which has been acceded to. 

JAMES MADISON. 

Washington, November 13, 1811. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. b7 

Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroe. 

Washington, October 30, 181 1 . 
SIR, 

I had already the honor to mention to you that 1 
came to this country furnished with instructions from 
his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, in the name 
and on the behalf off his Majesty, for the purpose of 
proceeding 1 to a final adjustment of the differences 
which have arisen between Great-Britain and the 
United States of America in the affair of the Chesa- 
peake Frig-ate; and I had also that of acquainting' you 
with the necessity under which I found myself of sus- 
pending the execution of those instructions in conse- 
quence of my not having perceived that any steps 
whatever were taken by the American government to 
clear up the circumstances of an event which threat- 
ened so materially to interrupt the harmony subsisting 
between our two countries, as that which occurred in 
the month of last May, between the United States' 
Ship President, and his Majesty's Ship Little Belt, 
when every evidence before his Majesty's govern- 
ment seemed to shew that a most evident and wanton 
outrage had been committed on a British Ship of 
war by an American Commodore. 

A Court of Enquiry however, as you informed me 
in your letter of the 11th inst. has since been held 
by order of die President of the United States on the 
conduct of Commodore Rodgers, and this prelimina- 
ry to further discussion on the subject being all that I 
asked in the first instance as due to the friendship 
subsisting between the two States, I have now the 
honor to acquaint you that I am ready to proceed in 
the truest spirit of conciliation to lay before you the 
terms of reparation which his Royal Highness has 
commanded me to propose to the United States' gov- 
ernment, and only wait to know when it will suit your 
convenience to enter upon the discussion. 



o8 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

I have the honor to be, with the highest considera- 
tion and respect, sir, your most obedient humble ser* 
vant, 

AUG. J. FOSTER. 
The hon. James Monroe, Sec. 



Mr. Monroe to Mr. Foster. 

Department of State, Oct. 31, 1811. 

SIR, 

1 have just had the honor to receive your letter 
of the 30lh of this month. 

I am glad to tind that the communication which 1 
had the honor to make to you on the 1 1th inst relative 
to the Court of Enquiry, which was the subject of it, 
is viewed by you in the favorable light which you 
have stated. 

Although I regret that the proposition which you 
now make in consequence of that communication, has 
been delated to the present moment, I am ready 
to receive the terms of it whenever you may 
think proper to communicate them. Permit me to 
add, that the pleasure of finding them satisfactory will 
be duly augmented, if they should be introductory to 
a removal of ALL the differences depending between 
our two countries, the hope of which is so little en- 
couraged by your past correspondence. A prospect 
of such a result, will be embraced, on my part, with a 
spirit of conciliation, equal to that which has been ex- 
pressed by you. 

I have the honor to be, ^c, 

(Signed) JAMES MONROE. 

Augustus J. Foster, Esq. S>"c. 



HISTORY OF TUB WAR. 69 

Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroe. 

Washington, Nov. 1st, 1811. 
SIK, 

In pursuance ofthe orders which I have received 
from his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent, in the 
name and on the behalf of his Majesty, for the pur- 
pose of proceeding 1 to a final adjustment of the differ- 
ences which have arisen between Great-Britain and 
the United States, in the affair of the Chesapeake 
Frigate, I have the honor to acquaint you — First, that 
I am instructed to repeat to the American govern- 
ment the prompt disavowal made by his Majesty, 
(and recited in Mr. Erskine's note of April 17, 1809, 
to Mr. Smith,) on being apprised ofthe unauthorised 
act ofthe officer in command of his naval forces on 
the coast of America, whose recall from an highly 
important and honorable command immediately en- 
sued as a mark of his Majesty's disapprobation. 

Secondly, that I am authorised to offer, in addi- 
tion to that disavowal, on the part of his Royal High- 
ness, the immediate restoration, as far as circumstan- 
ces will admit, of the men who in consequence of 
Admiral Berkley's orders, were forcibly taken out of 
the Chesapeake, to the vessel from which they were 
taken ; or if that ship should be no longer in commis- 
sion, to such sea-port of the United States as the 
American government may name for the purpose. 

Thirdly, that I am also authorised to offer to the 
American government a suitable pecuniary provision 
for the sufferers in consequence of the attack on the 
Chesapeake, including the families of those seamen 
who unfortunately fell in action, and of the wounded 
survivors. 

These honorable propositions, 1 can assure you, 
sir, are made with the sincere desire that they may 
prove satisfactory to the government ofthe United 
States, and I trust they will meet with that amicable 
reception which their conciliatory nature entitles 
them to. I need scarcely add how cordial !v I join 



70 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

with you in the wish that they might prove introduc- 
tory to a removal of all the differences depending be- 
tween our two countries. 

I have the honor tol>e, with sentiments of the high- 
est consideration and respect, sir, yours, &c. 

AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. 

To the hon. James Monroe, §c. 



Mr. Monroe to Mr. Foster. 

Washington, Nov. 12, 1811. 
SIR, 

I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 
1st November, and to lay it before the President. 

It is much to be regretted that the reparation due 
for such an aggression as that committed on the 
United States Frigate, the Chesapeake, should have 
been so long delayed ; nor could the translation of 
the offending officer from one command to another, 
be regarded as constituting a part of a reparation 
otherwise satisfactory ; considering however the ex- 
isting circumstances of the case, and the early and 
amicable attention paid to it by his Royal Highness 
the Prince Regent, the President accedes to the pro- 
position contained in your letter, and in so doing- your 
government will, I am persuaded, see a proof of the 
conciliatory disposition by which the President has 
been actuated. 

The officer commanding the Chesapeake, now ly- 
ing in the harbor of Boston, will be instructed to re- 
ceive the men who are to be restored to that ship. 
I have the honor, &c. 

JAMES MONROE 

Augustus J. Foster, Esq. §c 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 71 

Mr. Monroe, to Mr. Foster. 

Department of State, Oct. 29, 1811. 
SIR, 

I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 
22d of this month, and to lay it before the President. 

The assurance which you have given of your dis- 
position to reciprocate, in our communication on the 
important subjects depending between our govern- 
ments, the respectful attention which each has a right 
to claim, and that no departure from it was intended 
in your letter of the 26th July, has been received with 
the satisfaction due to the frank and conciliatory spirit 
in which it was made. 

I learn however, with much regret, that you have 
received no instructions from your government found- 
ed on the new proof of the revocation of the Berlin 
and Milan Decrees, which was communicated to the 
Marquis of Wellesley by the American charge d'af- 
fairs at London, in a document of which 1 had the 
honor to transmit to you a copy. It might fairly 
have been presumed, as I have before observed, that 
the evidence afforded by that document, of the com- 
plete revocation of those Decrees, so far as they in- 
terfered with the commerce of the United States with 
the British dominions, would have been followed by 
an immediate repeal of the Orders in Council. From 
the reply of the Marquis of Wellesley, it was at least, 
to have been expected that no time had been lost in 
transmitting that document to you, and that the in- 
structions accompanying it would have manifested a 
change in the sentiments of your government on th» 
subject. The regret therefore cannot but be increas- 
ed in tinding that the communication which I had the 
honor to make to you, has not even had the effect of 
suspending your efforts to vindicate the perseverance 
of your government in enforcing those Orders. 

I regret also to observe, that the light in which you 
have viewed this document, and the remarks which 
you have made on the subject, generally, seems t< 



72 HISTORY UP THE WAR. 

preclude any other view of the conditions on which 
those Orders are to be revoked, than those that were 
furnished by your former communications. Y°u still 
adhere to the pretension that the productions and man- 
ufactures of Great-Britain, when neutralized, must be 
admitted into the ports of your enemies. This pre- 
tension however vague the language heretofore held 
by your government, particularly by the Marquis of 
\Yellesley, in Ins communications with IV]r. Pmkney, 
on the subject, was never understood to have been 
embraced. Nothing*, indeed short of the specific de- 
clarations which you have made, would have induced 
a belief that such was the case. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

(Signed) JAMES MONROE 

Augustus J. Foster, kp. 



Mr. Foster to Mr. JMonroc. 

Washington, Oct. 31st, 1811 
SIR, 

I did not reply at great length to the observation*- 
contained in your letter of the 1st inst. on the pre- 
lensious of Great-Britain as relative to the French 
system, because you seemed to me to have argued as 
if but apart of the system continued, and even that 
part had ceased to be considered as a measure of wai 
agaim.l Great-Britain. For me to have allowed this 
would have been at once to allow in the face of facts, 
that the Decrees of France were repealed, and that 
her unprecedented measures, avowedly pursued in 
defiance of the laws of nations, were become mere 
ordinary regulations of trade. I therefore thought 
fit to confine my answer to your remarks, to a gene- 
ral statement of the sum of the demands of Great- 
Britain, which was, that France should by effectually 
revoking her Decrees, revert to the usual method of 
.carrying on war as practised in civilized Europe. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 7^ 

The pretensions of France to prohibit all com- 
merce in articles of British origin, in every part of 
the continent, is one among* the many violent innova- 
tions which are contained in the Decrees, and which 
are preceded by the declaration of their being 1 found- 
ed on a determination of the ruler of France, as he 
himself avowed, to revert to the principles which 
characterised the barbarism of the dark ages, and to 
forget all ideas of justice, and even the common feel- 
ings of humanity, in the new method of carrying' on 
war adopted by him. 

It is not however a question with Great-Britain 
of mere commercial interest, as you seem to sup- 
pose, which is involved in the attempt by Bonaparte 
to blockade her both by sea and land, but one of the 
feeling, and of national honor, contending" as we do 
against the principles which he professes in his new 
system of warfare. It is impossible for us to submit 
to the doctrine that he has a right to compel the whole 
continent to break off all intercourse with us, and to 
seize upon vessels belonging- to neutral nations upon 
the sole plea of their having- visited an English port, 
or of their being 1 laden with articles of British or co- 
lonial produce, in whatsoever manner acquired. 

This pretension, however, is but a part of that sys- 
tem, the whole of which, under our construction of 
the letter of M. Champagny, of August 5, 1810, 
corroborated by many subsequent declarations of the 
French government, and not invalidated by any une- 
quivocal declaration of a contrary tenor, must be con- 
sidered as still in full force. 

In the communication which you lately transmitted 
to me, I am sorry to repeat, that I was unable to dis- 
cover any facts which satisfactorily proved that the 
Decrees had been actually repealed, and I have al- 
ready repeatedly stated the reasons which too proba- 
bly led to the restoration of a few o( the American 
ships taken in pursuance of the Berlin and Milan De- 
crees after November 1. Mr. Russell does not seem 
to deny that the Decrees may still be kept in fb.-ce, 
10 



74 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

only he thinks they have assumed a municipal char- 
acter ; but in M. Cbampagny's declaration, ambigu- 
ous as it was, there is no such division of them into 
two different characters; for if the contingency re- 
quired by the French Minister took place, the Berlin 
and Milan Decrees were to cease, according to his 
expression, without any qualification. If therefore a 
part of them remain, or be revived again, as seems 
to be allowed even here, why may not the whole be 
equally so ? Where proof can be obtained of their 
existence, we have it, namely, in the ports of France, 
in which vessels have been avowedly seized under 
their operation since Nov. 1. Of their maritime ex- 
istence we cannot so easily obtain evidence, because 
of the few French ships of war which venture to 
leave their harbors. Who can doubt however that 
had the ruler of France a navy at his command, 
equal to the enforcing of his violent Decrees, he 
■would soon show that part of them to be no dead let- 
ter. The principle is not the less obnoxious because 
it is from necessity almost dormant for the moment, 
nor ought it therefore to be less an object to be stren- 
uously resisted. 

Allow me, sir, here to express my sincere regret, 
that I have not as yet been able to convince you, by 
■what I cannot but consider the strongest evidence, of 
the continued existence of the French Decrees, and 
consequently of the unfriendly policy of your gov- 
ernment in enforcing the non-importation against us, 
and opening the trade with our enemies. His Royal 
Highness will, I am convinced, learn with unfeigned 
sorrow, that such continues to he still the determina- 
tion of America, and whatever restrictions on the 
commerce enjoyed by America in His Majesty's do- 
minions, may ensue on the part of Great-Britain, as 
retaliatory on the refusal by your government to ad- 
mit the productions of Great-Britain while they open 
their harbors to those of His Majesty's enem:es, they 
will, I am persuaded, be adopted with sincere pain, 
and with pleasure relinquished whenever this country 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 7o 

shall resume her neutral position and impartial attitude 
between the two belligerents. 

I have the honor to be, with the greatest considera- 
tion and respect, sir, your most obedient humble ser- 

AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. 
To the hon. J. Monroe, tyc. 



CHAPTER II. 

The following Message 7vas, on the 17th January, 
1812, transmitted by the President to both Houses 
of Congress. 

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States. 

I communicate to Congress a letter from the Envoy 
Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Great- 
Britain to the Secretary of State, with the answer of 
the latter. 

The continued evidence, afforded in this corres- 
pondence, of the hostile policy of the British gov- 
ernment against our national rights, strengthens the 
considerations recommending and urging the prepar- 
ation of adeqnate means for maintaining them. 

JAMES MADISON; 

Washington, Jan. 16, 1812. 



7t> HISTORY OF THfc VVAH. , 

Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroe. 

Washington, Dec. 17, 1811 
SIR, 

I did not mean to have written to you at this mo- 
ment on the subject of our late correspondence, but 
that I have had the mortification to perceive state- 
ments, circulated from highly respectable sources, 
which give a view of the pretensions of Great-Britain 
relative to the United States not warranted by any of 
the letters which I h:.d the honor to address to you, 
and which, at a time when discussions are continuing" 
so important to the two countries might, if leftunrec- 
tified, produce an effect highly to be lamented by both 
the American and British governments, inasmuch as 
by creating unnecessary irritation, they might throw 
obstacles in the way of a restoration of a friendly un- 
derstanding between them. 

I tind it asserted, in the statement referred to, that 
I have, in the name of my government, demanded 
that the United States' government should pass a law 
for the introduction of British goods into the Ameri- 
can ports, ami also that the United States should un- 
dertake to force France to receive into her harbors 
British manufactures. 

I beg permission, sir, to declare that neither of 
these demands have been made by me, and that my 
meaning must not have been understood, if such was 
conceived to have been its import. I could not have- 
demanded the passage of such a law as above stated, 
because my government does not pretend to intertere 
with the internal go\ eminent of a friendly power, nor 
did I mean to demand that America should force 
France to receive our manufactures. 

All I meant to say was, that the admission of 
French commerce while that of England has been 
excluded from the United States' ports, was regar- 
ded by Great-Britain as highly unfreindly in Amer- 
ica, and that a continuation of such policy would be 
retaliated upon by Great-Britain with similar restrir- 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 7? 

lions on her part, which was so far merely an offering 
of like for like. But while the American non-impor- 
tation act excludes British trade from the United. 
States' ports, it must be recollected that it goes still 
further and excludes also British armed ships from 
American ports, while it admits those of the enemies 
of Great-Britain. ' A neutral nation is responsible 
for the equality of its rules of conduct towards the bel- 
ligerent powers' (to use the words of an American 
Secretary of State in the year 1796,) and therefore the 
part of the law which establishes an inequality was 
justly an object of more serious complaint on the part 
of Great-Britain. You are aware, sir, of the advan- 
tage which his Majesty's enemies have derived from 
this state of inequality, which enables them, though 
possessing" no port in this hemisphere, continually to 
prey on the trade of his Majesty's subjects, secure of 
a refuge for their cruisers and their prizes. 

The prohibition of entry to his Majesty's ships un- 
der these circumstances might perhaps justify Great- 
Britain in asserting, that whatever reason she may 
have for repealing or modifying her Orders in Coun- 
cil, so as to lessen or entirely remove the pressure now 
unavoidably laid on the trade of America as a neu- 
tral nation, she might yet refuse to enter into any dis- 
cussion on that subject with the United States, until 
either bv the revocation of the prohibition above stat- 
ed, or the placing all the belligerents under the same 
prohibition, America should cease to violate the du- 
ties, of a neutral nation. 

With respect, however, to the supposed demand 
that America should force the entry of British manu- 
factures into France, it is most particularly necessary, 
that I should explain myself, as a total misconception 
appears to have taken place upon this point. The ques- 
tion of retaliation on the French Decrees is directly 
one between England and France. In consequence 
of the extraordinary blockade of England, we have in 
our defence been obliged to blockade France, and 
prohibit all trade in French arncl^s in return for th< 



78 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

prohibition by France of all trade in English articled* 
This measure of retaliation, it is wished, should oper- 
ate on France alone, but from the trade carried on 
with France by America, it unavoidably operates also 
on her; it is a measure to destroy the French trade 
in return for the similar measure of France on which 
it is retaliatory, and its acting" on neutrals is an inci- 
dental effect of it, consequent upon the submission of 
neutrals to the original measures of the enemy against 
Great-Britain. It is indeed melancholy that the unna- 
tural situation of Europe should produce such a re- 
sult, but I cannot see how this can be considered as 
war on American commerce when all other Ameri- 
can trade but that which is carried on with our en- 
emy's ports in defiance of a blockade authorized by 
the laws of retaliation is unaffected by it. We com- 
plain that America does not resist the regulations of 
the Berlin and Milan Decrees, and object to permit- 
ting the French to trade with her during their con- 
tinuance against the commerce of England ; but this 
is not exacting, as has been represented, that Ameri- 
ca should force British manufactures into France; it 
is pursuing only a just course of retaliation on our 
enemy. If America wishes to trade with France, if 
French commerce is of importance to her — we expect 
she should exact of France to trade with her as she has a 
right to demand in her quality of neutral ; but if she does 
not choose to exercise this right, all we ask is, that she 
should abstain from lending her assistance to the trade 
of France, and not allow her commerce to be a medi- 
um of undermining the resources of Great-Britain. 

I have thought it necessary thus to endeavor to 
set these two points in their true light : the repeal of 
the law was asked, as being an unfriendly measure, 
partial in its operation against Great-Britain, and a 
prcspect of retaliation was held out on its commer- 
cial operation if continued. This is no demand on 
the United States to admit British manufactures; 
they are at liberty to continue th;it law, only as it is of 
an unfriendlv nature, some restriction of a similar 



HISTORY OF THE AVAIL 79 

kuul was to be expected from Englaiul : and with 
respect to the alledged demand for forcing British 
goods, the property of neutrals, into French ports, if 
the United States are willing to acquiesce in the regu- 
lations of the French Decrees unlawfully affecting 
England through them, they cannot surely be surpris- 
ed if we consider ourselves as at liberty to refuse per- 
mission to the French to profit by that acquiescence. 

I will now, sir, take the opportunity of stating to you, 
that I have received from his Majesty's Secretary of 
State, the correspondence of which you did me the 
honor to transmit to me a copy in your letter dated 
Oct. 17. My government have not been able to see 
in it satisfactory proof of the repeal of the French De- 
crees, and doubt whether the trade carried on by li- 
cences between France and] America, will not be re- 
garded, even here, as proof of the continuation of them 
jn their fullest extent, for if they were to any extent 
repealed, to thai extent at least no licence should be 
necessary, a licence being given to allow what, but 
for that licence, would be prohibited. 

The continued absence hitherto of any instrument 
by which the repeal has been effected, is a matter also 
of surprise, for if there were any fair dealing in the 
transaction, no reason can be given by France for not 
producing it ; it is very desirable that it should be 
produced, if such an instrument be in existence, in 
order that we may know to what extent the Decrees 
have been repealed, if they really have been so in 
any respect. Mr. Russell however, does not appear 
to have been in possession of it at the date of his lettei 
of last July. It is indeed become particu. arty inter- 
esting, that we should see this instrument s.nce the 
publication of Mr. liusse.fs correspondence with his 
own government, b) which it appears that really, and 
in fact the French governmentd.d not release any 
American ships taken at' er JNov ember 1, until they 
had become acquainted with the President's Proclama- 
tion, and that vessels have been taken so late as De- 
cember 21, in the direct voyage from this country to 



80 HISTORY OF THE WAR; 

London ; for until a copy of such instrument is pro- 
duced, it is impossible to know whether any other 
trade is allowed by France than that between her own 
dominions and the ports of the United States. 

I have the honor to be, with the highest considera- 
tion, sir, your most obedient humble servant, 

AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. 

To the hon. James Monroe, &c. 



Mr. Monroe to Mr. Foster. 

Department of State Jan. 14, 1812. 
alR. 

I have had the honor to receive your letter of De- 
cember 17th, and I embrace the first moment that I 
could command, to make the observations which it 
suggests. 

It would have afforded great satisfaction to the 
President, to have found in the communication, some 
proof of a dispositionin the British governmentto put 
an end to the differences subsisting" between our 
countries. — I am sorry to be obliged to state, that it 
presents a new proof only of its determination to ad- 
here to the policy, to which they are imputable. 

You complain that the import of your former letters 
has been misunderstood in two important circumstan- 
ces : that yon have been represented to have demand- 
ed of the United States, a law for the introduction of 
British goods into their ports, and that they should al- 
so undertake to force France to receive British manu- 
factures into her harbors. 

You state that on the first point, it was your inten- 
tion only to remonstrate against the non-importation 
act, as partial in its operation, and unfriendly to Great- 
Britain, on which account its repeal was claimed, and 
to intimate that if it was persevered in, Great-Britain 
would be compelled to retaliate on the commerce of 
the United States, by similar restrictions oa her part. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 81 

And on the second point, that you intended only to 
urge, that in consequence of the extraordinrry block- 
ade of England, your government had been obliged 
to blockade France, and to prohibit all trade in 
French articles, in return for the prohibition by 
France of all trade in English articles. 

It is sufficient to remark on the first point, that on 
whatever ground the repeal of the non-importation act 
is required, the United States are justified in adher- 
ing to it, by the refusal of the British government to 
repeal its Orders in Council; and if a distinction is 
thus produced between Great-Britain and the other 
belligerent, it must be referred to the difference in the 
conduct of the two parties. 

On the second point, I have to observe that the ex- 
planation given cannot be satisfactory, because it docs 
not meet the case now existing. France did, it is true, 
declare a blockade of England, against the trade of 
the United States, and prohibit all trade in English 
articles on the high seas, but this blockade and prohi- 
bition no longer exist. — It is true also, that a part of 
those Decrees, did prohibit a trade in English articles, 
within her territorial jurisdiction ; but this prohibition 
violates no national rights, or neutral commerce of 
the United States. Still your blockade and prohibi- 
tion are continued, in violation of the national and neu- 
tral rights of the United States, on a pretext of retalia- 
tion, which, if even applicable could only be applied 
to the former, and not to the latter interdicts : and it is 
required that France shall change her internal regu- 
lations against English trade, before England will 
change her external regulations against the trade of 
the United States. 

But you still insist that the French Decrees are un- 
revoked, and urge in proof of it, a fact drawn from 
Mr. Russell's correspondence, that some American 
vessels have been taken since the 1st of November, in 
their route to England. It is a satisfactory answer to 
this remark, that it appears by the same correspon- 
dence, that everv American vessel which had been 
11 



82 HISTORY OF THE WAK. 

taken in that trade, the seizure of which rested on the 
Berlin and Milan Decrees only, Mere, as soon as that 
fact was ascertained, delivered up to their owners. 
Might there not be other gound also, on winch seiz- 
ures might be made ? Great-Britain claims a ri^ht to 
seize for oilier causes, and al! nations admit it in the 
case of contraband of v\ar. It by the law of nations, 
one belligerent has a right to seize neutral property 
in any case, the other belligerent has the same right. 
Nor ought I to overlook that the practice of counter- 
feiting American papers in England, which is well 
kno\vn to the continent, has by impairing the faith due 
to American documents, done to the United States 
essential injury. Against this practice the minister of 
the United States at London, as will appear by refer- 
ence to his letter to the Marquis Wellesley of the 3d 
of May, 1810, made a formal representation, in pur- 
suance of instructions from his government, with an 
offer of every information possessed by him, which 
might contribute to detect and suppress it. It is pain- 
ful to add that this communication was entirely dis- 
regarded. That Great-Britain should complain of 
acts in France, to which by her neglect, she was in- 
strumental, and draw from them proof in support of 
her Orders in Council, ought certainly not to ha\e 
been expected. 

You remark also, that the practice of the French 
government to grant licences to certain American 
vessels, engaged in the trade between the United 
Stales and France, is an additional proof that the 
IY< nch Decrees still operate in their fullest extent. 
On what principle this inference is drawn from that 
fact it is impossible for me to conceive. It, was not 
the object oi the Berlin and Milan Decrees to pro- 
hibit the trade between the United States and France. 
Tin \ \>« n meant to j rolnbit the trade of tbe United 
States with Great-Britain, which violated our neutral 
rights, and to prohibit the trade ol Great-Britain with 
continent, with which the United States have 
nothing to do. If the ol ject had been to prohibit the 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 83 

trade between the United Stales and France, Great- 
Britain could never have found in them any prelext 
for complaint. And if the idea of retaliation, could 
in any respect have been applicable, it would have 
been by prohibiting' our trade with herself. To pro- 
hibit it wit!) France, would not have been a retaliation, 
but a co-operation. If licencing by France the trade 
in certain instances, prove any thing', it proves nothing 
more than that the trade with France in othei 
instances, is under restraint. It seems impossible to 
extraci from it in any respect, that the Berlin and Mi- 
lan Decrees are in force, so far as they prohibit the 
traue oetween the United States and England. I 
might here repeat the French practice of granting' li- 
cences to trade between the United States and France, 
may have been intended in part, at least as a security 
against the simulated papers; the forging of which 
"was not suppressed in E ig and. It is not to be in- 
fered from these remarks, that a trade by licence, is 
one with which the United States are satisfied. They 
have the strongest objections to it, but these are found- 
ed on other principles, than those suggested in your 
note. 

It is a cause of great surprise to the President, that 
your government has not seen in the correspondence 
of Mr. Russell, which I had the honor to commu- 
nicate to you on the i 7th of October last, and which 
has been lately transmitted to you by your govern- 
ment, sufficient proof of the repeal of the Berlin and 
Mian Decrees, independant of tiie conclusive evi- 
dence of the fact, which that correspondence afford- 
ed • it was not to be presumed from the intimation of 
the Marquis of Wellesley, that if it was to be trans- 
mitted to you, to be taken into consideration in the 
depending discussions, that it was of a nature to have 
no weight in these discussions. 

The demand which you now make of a view of the 
order given by the French government to its cruiz- 
ers, in consequence of the repeal of the French De- 
crees, is a new nroof of its indisposition to repeal the 



$4 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

Orders in Council. The declaration of the French 
government was, as has been heretofore observed, a 
solemn and obligatory act, and as such entitled to the 
notice and respect of other governments. It was in- 
cumbent on Great-Britain, therefore, in fulfilment of 
her engagement, to have provided that her Orders in 
Council should not have effect, after the time fixed for 
the cessation of the French Decrees. A pretension 
in Great-Britain to keep her Orders in force till she 
received satisfaction of the practical compliance of 
France, is utterly incompatible with her pledge. A 
doubt, founded on any single act, however unauthor- 
ised, committed by a French privateer, might, on that 
principle, become a motive for delay and refusal. A 
suspicion that such acts would be committed might 
have the same effect ; and in like manner her compli- 
ance might be withheld as long at the war continued. 
But let me here remark, that if there was room for a 
question, whether the French repeal did, or did not 
take effect, at the date announced by France, and 
required by the United States, it cannot be alleSged 
that the Decrees have not ceased to operate since the 
2d of February last, as heretofore observed. And as 
the actual cessation of the Decrees to violate our neu- 
tral rights, was the only essential fact in the case, and 
has long been known to your government, the Orders 
in Council, from the date of that knowledge, ought to 
have ceased, according to its own principles an4 
pledges. 

But the question whether and when the repeal of 
the Berlin and Milan Decrees took effect in relation 
to the neutral commerce of the United States, is super- 
ceded by the novel and extraordinary claim of Great- 
Britain to a trade in British articles, with her enemy ; 
for supposing the repeal to have taken place, in the 
fullest extent claimed by the United States, it could 
according to that claim, have noeftect in removing the 
Orders in Council. 

On a full view of the conduct of the British gov- 
ernment in these transactions, it is impossible to see 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 8$ 

in it any thing short of a spirit of determined hostility to 
the rights and interests of the United States.— It issued 
the Orders in Council, on a principle of retaliation on 
France, at a time when it admitted the French Decrees 
to be ineffectual; it has sustained those Orders in full 
force since, notwithstanding the pretext for them has 
been removed, and latterly it has added a new condition 
of their repeal, to be performed by France, to which the 
United States in their neutral character, have no claim, 
and could not demand, without departing from their 
neutrality, a condition which, in respect to the com- 
merce of other nations with Great- Britain, is repug- 
nant to her own policy, and prohibited by her own 
laws, and which can never be enforced on any nation 
without a subversion of its sovereignty and indepen- 
dence. 

I have the honor to be, Sec. 

JAMES MONROE 
-Augustus J. Foster, Sfc. 



CHAPTER III. 



PRESIDENT'S MANIFESTO, 



To the Senate and House of Representatives of th& 
United States. 

I communicate to Congress certain documents, be- 
ing a continuation of those heretofore laid before 
them, on the subject, of our affairs with Great-Britain. 

Without going back beyond the renewal in 1803, 
of the war in which Great-Britain is engaged, and omit- 
ting unrepaired wrongs of inferior magnitude, the 
conduct of her government presents a series of acts 
hostile to the United States as an independent and 
neutral nation, 



86 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 

British cruizers have been in the continued prac- 
tice of violating- the American flag", on the great 
highway of nations, and of seizing and carrying* oft* per- 
sons sailing undent: not in the exercise of a belli- 
gerent right, founded on the law of nations against 
an enemy, but of a municipal prerogative over Bri- 
tish subjects. British jurisdiction is thus extended to 
neutral vessels ill a situation where no laws can op- 
erate but the law of nations and the laws of the conn* 
try to which the vessels beiong ; and a self redress is 
assumed, whicti, it British subjects were wronguity 
detained and a one concerned, is that substitution of 
force for a resort to the responsible sovereign, which 
falls within the definition of war. Could the seizure 
of British subjects, til such cases be regarded as with* 
in the exercise of a bell gerent right, the acknowU 
edged laws of war, which forbid an article of captur- 
ed property to be adjudged, without a regular investi- 
gation before a competent tribunal, would imperious- 
ly demand the fairest trial where the sacred rights of 
persons were at issue. In place of such a trial, these 
rights are subjected to the will of every petty com- 
mander. 

The practice, hence, is so far from affecting British 
subjects alone, that under the pretext of searching for 
these, thousands of American citizeas, under the safe- 
guard of public law, and of their national flag, have 
been torn from their country, and from every thing 
dvartothem; have been dragged on board ships of 
war of a foreign nation, and exposed under the sever- 
ities of their discipline, to be exiled to the most dis- 
tant and deadly cl.mes, to risk their lives in the bat- 
tles of their oppressors, and to be the melancholy in- 
struments of taking away those of their own brethren. 

Against this crying enormity, which Great-Britain 
would be so prompt to avenge if committed against 
herself, the United States have in vain exhausted re- 
rriohstrances and exposiulations. And that no proof 
might be wanting of their conciliatory dispos.tions, 
and no pretext left for the continuance of the practice, 



/ 1 






HISTORY OF THE WAR. 87 



the British government w as formally assured of the 
readiness of the United States to enter into arrange- 
ments, such as could not be rejected, if the recovery 
of British subjects were the real and the sole object. 
The communication passed without effect. 

British cruizers l:a\e been in the practice also of 
violating the rights and the peace of our coasts. They 
hover o\er and harrass our entering and departing 
commerce. To the most insulting pretensions they 
have added the most lawless proceedings in our very 
harbors; and have wantonly spilt American blood 
within the sanctuary ot our territorial jurisdiction. 
The principles and rules enforced by that nation, when 
a neutral nation, against armed vessels of belliger- 
ents hovering near her coasts, and disturbing her 
commerce are well known. When called on never- 
theless, by the United States to punish the greater 
offences committed by her own vessels, her govern- 
ment has bestowed on their commanders additional 
marks of honor and confidence. 

Under pretended blockades, without the presence 
of an adequate force, and sometimes without the prac- 
ticability of applying one, our commerce has been 
plundered in every sea : the great staples of our coun- 
try have been cut oft' from their legitimate markets; 
and a destructive blow aimed at our agricultural and 
maritime interests. In aggravation of these preda- 
tory measures, they have been considered as in force 
from the dates of their notification ; a retrospective 
effect being thus added, as has been done in other 
important cases, to the unlaw fulness of the course 
pursued. And to render the outrage ti:e more signal, 
these mock blockades have been reiterated ana en- 
forced in the face of official communications from the 
British government declaring as the true definition of 
a legal blockade, * that particular sorts must be ac- 
tually invested, and previous warning given to ves- 
sels bound to them, not to enter.' 

Not content with these occasional expedients for 
laving waste our neutral trade, the cabinet of Great 



$8 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

Britain resorted, at length to the sweeping system of 
blockades, under the name of the Orders in Council, 
which has been moulded and managed, as might best 
suit its political views, its commercial jealousies, or 
the avidity of British cruizers. 

To our remonstrances against the complicated and 
transcendant injustice of this innovation, the first re- 
ply was that the Orders were reluctantly adopted by 
Great- Britain as a necessary retaliation on Decrees 
of her enemy proclaiming a general blockade of the 
British isles, at a time when the naval force of that 
enemy dared not to issue from his own ports. She was 
reminded, without effect, that her own prior blockade, 
unsupported by an adequate naval force actually ap- 
plied and continued, were a bar to this plea : that ex- 
ecuted Edicts against millions of our property could 
not be retaliation on Edicts confessedly impossible 
to be executed : that retaliation, to be just, should 
fall on the party setting the guilty example, not on an 
innocent party, which was not even chargeable with 
an acquiescence in it. 

When deprived of this flimsey veil for a prohibi- 
tion of our trade with her enemy, by the repeal of his 
prohibition of our trade with Great-Britain, her cabi- 
net, instead of a corresponding repeal or a practical 
discontinuance of its Orders, formally avowed a de- 
termination to persist in them against the United 
States, until the markets of her enemy should be laid 
open to British products; thus asserting an obligation 
on a neutral power to require one belligerent to en- 
courage, by its internal regulations, the trade of 
another belligerent; contradicting her own practice 
towards all nations in peace as well as in war; and 
betraying the insincerity ot these professions which 
inculcated a belief that, hating resorted to her Or- 
ders with regret, she was anxious to find an occa- 
sion for putting an end to them. 

Abandoning still more, all respect for the neutral 
rights of the United States, and for its own consisten- 
cy, the British government now demands as pre- re- 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 89 

quisites to a repeal of its Orders, as they relate to the 
United States, that a formality should be observed in 
the repeal of the French Decrees nowise necessary 
to their termination, nor exemplified by British usage ; 
and that the French repeal, besides including- that 
portion of the Decrees which operates within a terri- 
torial jurisdiction as well as that which operates on 
the high seas against the commerce of the United 
States, should not be a single special repeal in rela- 
tion to the United States, but should be extended to 
whatever neutral nations unconnected with them may 
be affected by those Decrees. And as an additional 
insult, they are called on for a formal disavowal of 
condition and pretensions advanced by the French 
government, for which the United States are so far 
from having made themselves responsible, that, in 
official explanations, which have been published to 
the world, and in a correspondence, of the American 
minister at London, with the British minister for 
foreign affairs, such a responsibility was explicitly 
and emphatically disclaimed. 

It has become indeed sufficiently certain that the 
commerce of the. United States is to be sacrificed, not 
as interfering with the belligerent rights of Great* 
Britain, not as supplying the wants of her enemies, 
which she herself supplies, but as interfering with 
the monoply which she covets for her own commerce 
and navigation. She carries on a war against the 
lawful commerce of a friend, that she may the better 
carry on a commerce with an enemy, a commerce, 
polluted by the forgeries and perjuries which are for 
the most part the only passports by which it can suc- 
ceed. 

Anxious to make every experiment short of the 
last resort of injured nations, the United States have 
withheld from Great-Britain, under successive modi- 
fications, the benefits of a free intercourse with their 
market, the loss of which could not but outweigh the 
profits accruing from her restrictions of our commerce 
•with other nations. And to entitle these experiment* 
12 



90 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

to the more favorable consideration, they were so 
framed as to enable her to place her adversary under 
the exclusive operation of them. To these appeals 
her government has been equally inflexible, as if wil- 
ling' to make sacrifices of every sort, rather than 
yield to the claims of justice, or renounce the errors 
of a false pride. Nay, so far were the attempts cai> 
ried, to overcome the attachment of the British cabi- 
net to its unjust Edicts, that it received every en- 
couragement, within the competency of the Execu- 
tive branch of our government, to expect that a re- 
peal of them would be followed by a war between the 
United States and France, unless the French Edicts 
should also be repealed. Even this communication, 
although silencing- for ever the plea of a dispositibn 
in the United States to acquiece in those Edicts, ori- 
ginally the sole plea for them, received no attention. 

If no other proofexisted of a predetermination of the 
British government against a repeal of its Orders, it 
might be found in the correspondence of the Minis- 
ter Plenipotentiary of the United Stales at London, 
and the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs in 1810, 
on the question whether the blockade of May, 1806, 
Was considered as in force, or as not in force. It had 
been ascertained that the French government, which 
Urged this blockade as the ground of its Berlin De- 
cree, was willing, in the event of its removal, to repeal 
that Decree ; which being followed by alternate re- 
peals of the other offensive Edicts, might abolish the 
whole system on both sides. This inviting oportuni- 
ty for accomplishing an object so important to the 
United States, and professed so otten to be the desire 
of both the belligerents, was made known to the Bri- 
tish government. As that government admits that an 
actual application of an adequate force is necessary 
to the existence of a legal blockade ; and it was no- 
torious, that if such a force had ever been applied, its 
long discontinuance had annulled the blockade in 
question, there could lie no sufficient objection on the 
part of Great-Britain to a formal revocation ot" it ; 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 91 

and no imaginable objection to a declaration of the 
fact that the blockade did not exUt. The declara- 
tion would have been consistent with her avowed 
principles of blockade, and would have enabled the 
United States to demand from France the pledged re- 
peal of her Decrees ; either with success, in which 
case the way would have been opened for a general 
repeal of the belligerent Edicts; or without success, 
in which case the United States would have been jus- 
tified in turning their measures exclusively against 
France. The British government would, however, 
neither rescind the blockade nor declare its non-exis- 
tence; nor permit its non-existence to be inferred and 
affirmed by the American Plenipotentiary. On the 
contrary by representing the blockade to be compre- 
hended in the Orders in Council, the United States 
were compelled so to regard it in their subsequent pro- 
ceedings. 

There was a period when a favorable change in 
the policy of the British cabinet was justly considered 
as established. The minister Plenipotentiary of his 
Britannic Majesty here proposed an adjustment of 
the differences more immediately endangering the 
harmony of the two countries. The proposition was 
accepted with a promptitude and cordiality corres- 
ponding with the invariable professions of this govern- 
ment. A foundation appeared to be laid for a sincere 
and lasting reconciliation. — The prospect, however, 
quickly vanished. The whole proceeding was disa- 
vowed by the British government without any expla- 
nation which could at that time repress the belief, that 
the disavowal proceeded from a spirit of hostility to 
the commercial rights and prosperity of the United 
States. And it has since come into proof, that at the 
very moment when the public minister was holding 
the language of friendship, and inspiring confidence 
in the sincerity of the negociation with which he was 
charged, a secret agent of his government was em- 
ployed in intrigues, having for their object a subver- 
sion of our government, and a dismemberment of our 
happy Union. 



02 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

In reviewing- the conduct of Great-Brilan towards 
the United States, our attention is necessarily drawn to 
the warfare just renewed by the savages on one of our 
extensive frontiers ; a warfare which is known to spare 
neither age nor sex, and to be distinguished by fea- 
tures peculiarly shocking to humanity. It is difficult 
to account for the activity and combinations which 
have for some time been developing themselves among 
the tribes in constant intercourse with British traders 
and garrisons, without connecting their hostility with 
that influence ; and without recollecting the authenti- 
cated examples of such interpositions heretofore furn- 
ished by the officers and agents of that government. 

Such is the spectacle of injuries and indignities 
which have been neaped on our country ; and such the 
crisis which its unexampled forbearance and concili- 
atory efforts have not been able to avert. It might at 
least have been expected, that an enlightened nation, 
if less urged by moral obligations, or invited by friend- 
ly dispositions on the part of the United States, would 
have found in its true interest alone a sufficient motive 
to respect their rights and their tranquility on the high 
seas ; that an enlarged policy would have favored 
that free and general circulation of commerce, in 
which the British nation is at all times interested, and 
which in times of war is the best alleviation of its ca- 
lamities to herself, as well as to other belligerents; 
and more especially that the British cabinet would 
not, for the sake of a precarious and surreptitious in- 
tercourse with hostile markets, have persevered in a 
course of measures which necessarily put at hazard 
the invaluable market of a great and growing coun- 
try, disposed to cultivate the mutual advantages of an 
active commerce. 

Other Councils have prevailed. Our moderation 
and conciliation have had no other effect than to en- 
courage perseverance, and to enlarge pretensions. 
We behold our seafaring citizens still the daily vic- 
tims of lawless violence committed on the great com- 
mon highway of nations, even within sight of the 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 93 

country which owes them protection. We behold 
our vessels, freighted with the products of our soil and 
industry, or returning with the proceeds of them, 
wrested from their lawful destinations, confiscated by 
prize courts no longer the organs of public law, but 
the instruments of arbitrary Edicts ; and their unfor- 
tunate crews dispersed and lost, or forced or inveigled 
in British ports into British fleets ; whilst argu- 
ments are employed, in support of these aggressions, 
which have no foundation but in a principle equally 
supporting a claim to regulate our external com- 
merce in all cases whatsoever. 

We behold, in fine, on the side of Great-Britain, a 
state of war against the United States, and on the side 
of the United States a state of peace towards Great- 
Britain. 

Whether the United States shall continue passive" 
under these progressive usurpasions, and these accu- 
mulating wrongs ; or opposing force to force in de- 
fence of their natural rights shall commit a just cause 
into the hands of the Almighty disposer of events ; 
avoiding all connections which might entangle it in 
the contests or views of other powers, and preserving 
a constant readiness to concur in an honorable re-es- 
tablishment of peace and friendship, is a solemn ques- 
tion, which the constitution wisely confides to the 
legislative Department of the government. In recom- 
mend ing it to their early deliberations, I am happy 
in the assurance that the descision will be worthy the 
enlightened and patriotic Councils of a virtuous, a 
free, and a powerful nation. 

Having presented this view of the relations of the 
U. States with Great-Britain and of the solemn alterna- 
tive growing out of them, I proceed to remark that the 
communications last made to Congress on the subjectof 
our relations with France will have shown that since 
the revocation of her Decrees as they violated thr 
neutral rights of the United States, her government 
has authorised illegal captures, by its privateers and 
public ships, and that other outrages have been prac- 



94 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

tised on our vessels and citizens. It will have been 
seen also, that no indemnity had been provided, or 
satisfactorily pledged, for the extensive spoliations 
committed under the violent and retrospective orders 
of the French government against the property of our 
citizens seized within the jurisdiction of France. I 
abstain at this time from recommending to the consid- 
eration of Congress definitive measures with respect 
to that nation, in the expectation, that the result of un- 
closed discussions between our Minister Plenipoten- 
tiary at Paris and the French government will speed- 
ily enable Congress to decide, with greater advan- 
tage, on the course due to the rights, the interests, 
and the honor of our country. 

JAMES MADISON. 
Washington, June 1st, 1812. 



REPORT OF THE COM. ON FOREIGN RELATIONS. 

The committee on Foreign Relations to whom was re- 

fered the Message of the President of the United 

States of the 1st of June, 1812. 
REPORT— 

That after the experience which the United States 
have had of the great injustice of the British govern- 
ment towards them, exemplified by so many acts of 
violence and oppression, it will be more difficult to jus- 
tify to the impartial world their patient forbearance, 
than the measures to which it has become necessary 
to resort, to avenge the wrongs, and vindicate the 
rights and honor of the nation. Your committee are 
happy to observe on a dispassionate review of the con- 
duct of the United States, that they see in it no cause 
for censure. 

If a long forbearance under injuries ought ever to 
be considered a virtue in any nation, it is one which 
peculiarly becomes the United States. No people 
ever had stronger motives to cherish peace — none 
have ever cherished it with greater sincerity and Zeal. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 95; 

But the period has now arrived, when the United 
States must support their character and station among 
the nations of the earth, or submit to the most shame- ' 
fill degradation. Forbearance has ceased to be a vir- 
tue. War on the one side, and peace on the other, is 
a situation as ruinous as it is disgraceful. The mad 
ambition, the lust of power, and commercial avarice 
of Great-Britain, arrogating to herself the complete 
dominion of the ocean, and exercising over it an un- 
bounded and lawless tyranny, have left to neutral na- 
tions an alternative only, between the base surrender 
of their rights, and a manly vindication of them. Hap- 
pily for the United States, their destiny, under the aid 
of heaven, is in their own hands. The crisis is formi- 
dable only by their love of peace. As soon as it be- 
comes a duty to relinquish that situation, danger dis- 
appears. They have suffered no wrongs, they have re- 
ceived no insults, however great, for which they can- 
not obtain redress. 

More than seven years have elapsed, since the 
commencement of this system of hostile aggression by 
the British government, on the rights and interests of 
the United States. The manner of its commence- 
ment was not less hostile, than the spirit with which 
it has been prosecuted. The United States have in- 
variably done every thing in their power to preserve 
the relations of friendship with Great-Britain. Ot 
this disposition they gave a distinguished proof, at 
the moment when they were made the victims of an 
opposite policy. The wrongs of the last war had 
not been forgotten at the commencement of the pre- 
sent one. They warned us of dangers, against which 
it was sought to provide. As early as the year 1804. 
the minister of the United States at London was in- 
structed, to invite the British government to enter 
into a negociation on all the points on which a col- 
lision might arise between the two countries, in the 
course of the war, and to propose to it an arrange- 
ment of their claims on fair and reasonable condi- 
tions. The invitation was accepted. A neg-ociatinn 



96 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

hud commenced and was depending", and nothing 
had occurred to excite a doubt that it would not ter- 
minate to the satisfaction of both the parties. It was 
at this time, and under these circumstances, that an 
attack was made, by surprise, on an important branch 
of the American commerce, which affected every 
part of the United States, and involved many of their 
citizens in ruin. 

The commerce on which this attack was so unex- 
pectedly made, was between the United States and 
the colonies of France, Spain, and other enemies of 
Great-Britain. A commerce just in itself — sanction- 
ed by the example of Great-Britain in regard to the 
trade with her own colonies — sanctioned by a sol- 
emu act between the two governments in the last war; 
and sanctioned by the practice of the British govern- 
ment in the present war, mure than two years hav- 
ing then elapsed, without any interference with it. 

The injustice of this attack could only be equalled 
by the absurdity of the pretext alledged for it. It 
was pretended by the British government, that ip 
case of war, her enemy had no right to modify its 
colonial regulations, so as to mitigate the calamities 
of war to the inhabitants of its colonies. This pre- 
tension, peculiar to Great-Britain, is utterly incom- 
patible with the right of sovereignty, in every inde- 
pendant state. It' we recur to the well established 
and universally admitted law of nations, we shall find 
no sanction to it, in that venerable code. The sove- 
reignty of every state is co-extensive with its domin- 
ions, and cannot be abrogated, or curtailed in its rights, 
as to any part, except by conquest. Neutral nations 
have a right to trade to every port of either belliger- 
ent, which is not legally blockaded — and in all arti- 
cles which are not contraband of war. Such is the 
absurdity of this pretension, that your committee are 
aware, especially after the able manner in which it 
has been heretofore refuted, and exposed, that they 
would offer an insult to the understanding of the 
House, if they enlarged on it, and if any thing could 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 97 

add to the high sense of the injustice of the British 
government in the transaction, it would be the con- 
trast which her conduct exhibits in regard to this 
trade, and in regard to a similar trade by neutrals 
with her own colonies. It is known to the world, that 
Great-Britain regulates her own trade, in war and in 
peace, at home and in her colonies, as she finds for 
her interest — that in war she relaxes the restraints of 
her colonial system in favor of the colonies, and that 
it never was suggested that she had not a right to do 
it — or that a neutral in taking advantage of the relax- 
ation violated a belligerent right of her enemy — Bui 
with Great-Britain every thing is lawful. It is only in 
a trade with her enemies that the United States can do 
wrong. With them all trade is unlawful. 

IiVtheyear ]?93, an attack was made by the British 
government on the same branch of our neutral trade, 
which had nearly involved the two countries in war. 
That difference however, was amicably accommodat- 
ed. The pretension was withdrawn, and reparation 
made to the United States, for the losses which they 
had suffered by it. It was fair to infer from that ar- 
rangement, that the commerce was deemed by the 
British government lawful, and that it would not be 
again disturbed. 

Had the British government been resolved to con- 
test this trade with neutrals, it was due to the char- 
acter of the British nation that the decision should be 
made known to the government of the United States.. 
The existence of a negociation which had been in- 
vited by our government, for the purpose of prevent- 
ing differences by an amicable arrangement of their 
respective pretensions, gave a strqng claim to the no- 
tification, while it afforded the fairest opportunity for 
it. But a very different policy animated the then cabi- 
net of England. The liberal' confidence and friend- 
ly overtures of the United States were taken advan- 
tage of to ensnare them. Steady to its purpose, and 
inflexibly hostile to this country, the British govern- 
ment calmlv looked forward to the moment, when it 
18 



98 HISTORY OF THE WAK. 

might give llie most deadly wound to our interests, 
A trade just in itself, which was secured by so many 
strong* and sacred pledges, was considered safe. — 
Our citizens with their usual industry and enterprise 
had embarked in it a vast proportion of their ship- 
ping, and of their capital, which were at sea, under 
no other protection than the law of nations, and the 
confidence which they reposed in the justice and 
friendship of the British nation. At this period the 
unexpected blow was given. Many of our vessels 
were seized, carried into port and condemned by a 
tribunal, which, while it professes to respect the law of 
nations, obeys the mandates of its own government. 
Hundreds of other vessels were driven from the 
ocean, and trade itself in a great measure suppressed. 
The effect produced by this attack on the lawful com- 
merce of the United States was such as might have 
been expected from a virtuous, independent, and 
highly injured people. But one sentiment pervaded 
the whole American nation. No local interests were 
regarded — no sordid motives felt. Without looking 
to the parts which suffered most, the invasion of our 
rights was considered a common cause, and from 
one extremity of our Union to the other, was heard, 
the voice of an united people, calling on their gov- 
ernment to avenge their wrongs and vindicate the 
rights and honor of the country. 

From this period the British government has gone 
on in a continued encroachment on the rights and in- 
terest of the United States, disregarding in its course, 
in many instances, obligations which have heretofore 
been held sacred by civilized nations. 

Jn May, 1800, the whole coast of the continent, 
from the Elbe to Brest inclusive, was declared to be 
in a state of blockade. By this act, the well estab- 
lished principles of the law of nations, principles 
which have served for ages as guides, and fixed the 
boundary between the rights of belligerents and neu- 
trals, were violated ; by the law of nations, as re- 
cognized by Great-Britain herself, no blockade h 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 99 

lawful, unless it be sustained by the application of an 
adequate force, and that an adequate force was ap- 
plied to this blockade, in its full extent, ought not 
to be pretended. Whether Great- Britain was able to 
maintain, legally, so extensive a blockade, consider- 
ing the war in which she is engaged, requiring such 
extensive naval operations, is a question which is not 
necessary at this time to examine It is sufficient to 
be known, that such force was not applied, and this is 
evident from the terms of the blockade itself, by 
which, comparatively, an inconsiderable portion of 
the coast only was declared to be in a state of strict 
and rigorous blockade. The objection to the meas- 
ure is not diminished by that circumstance. If the 
force was not applied, the blockade was unlawful, 
from whatever cause the failure might proceed. The 
belligerent who institutes the blockade cannot absolve 
itself from the obligation to apply the force under 
any pretext whatever. For a belligerent to relax a 
blockade, which it could not maintain, it would be a 
refinement in injustice not less insulting to the under- 
standing than repugnant to the law of nations. To 
claim merit for the mitigation of an evil, which the 
party either had not the power or found it inconveni- 
ent to inflict, would be a new mode of encroaching 
on neutral rights. Your committee think it just to 
remark, that this act of the British government does 
not appear to have been adopted in the sense in which 
it has been since construed. On consideration of all 
the circumstances attending the measure, and parti- 
cularly the character of the distinguished statesman 
who announced it, we are persuaded that it was con- 
ceived in a spirit of conciliation, and intended to lead 
to an accommodation of all differences between the 
United States and Great-Britain. His death disap- 
pointed that hope, and the act has since become sub- 
servient to other purposes. It has been made by his 
successors a pretext for that Vast system of usurpa- 
tion, which has so long oppressed and harrassed out 
commerce. 



100 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

The next act of the British government which 
claims our attention is the Orders in Council of Jan. 
7, 1807, l)y which neutral powers are prohibited tra- 
ding from one port to another of France or her allies, 
or anv other country wilh which Great-Britain might 
not freely trade. By this order the pretension of 
England, heretofore claimed by every other power, to 
prohibit neutrals disposing of parts of their cargoes 
at different ports of the same enemy, is revived and 
with vast accumulation of injury. Every enemy, howe- 
great the number or distance from each other, is con- 
sidered one, and the like trade even with powers at 
peace with England, who from motives of policy had 
excluded or restrained her commerce, was also pro- 
hibited. In this act the British government evident- 
ly disclaimed all regard for neutral rights. Aware 
that the measures authorised by it could find no pre- 
text in any belligerent right, none was urged. To 
prohibit the sale of our produce, consisting of innocent 
articles at any port of a belligerent, not blockaded, to 
consider every belligerent as one, and subject neu- 
trals to the same restraint with all, as if there was 
but one, were held encroachments. But to restrain 
or in any manner interfere with our commerce with 
neutral nations with whom Great-Britain was at peace, 
and against whom she had no justifiable cause of war, 
for the sole reason, that they restrained or excluded 
from their ports her commerce, was utterly incompat- 
ible with the pacific relations subsisting between the 
two countries. 

We proceed to bring into view the British Order 
in Council of November 11th, 1807, which superced- 
ed every other order, and consummated that system 
of hostility on the commerce of the United States 
\Thich has been since so steadily pursued. By this 
Order all France and her allies and every other coun- 
try at war with Great-Britain, or with which she 
was not at war, from which the British flag was ex- 
cluded, and all the colonies of her enemies were sub- 
jected to the same restrictions as if they were actud- 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 101 

ly blockaded in the most strict and rigorous manner, 
and all trade in articles the produce and manufacture 
of the said countries and colonies and the vessels en- 
gaged in it were subjected to capture and condemna- 
tion as lawful prize. To this order certain exceptions 
were made which we forbear to notice becaue they 
were not adopted from a regard to neutral rights, but 
were dictated by policy to promote the commerce of 
England, and so far as they related to neutral powers, 
were said to emanate from the clemency of the British 
government. 

It would be superfluous in your committee to state, 
that by this order the British government declared 
direct and positive war against the United States. 
The dominon of the ocean was completely usurped 
by it, all commerce forbidden, and every flag driven 
from it, or subjected to capture and condemnation, 
which did not subserve the policy of the British govern- 
ment by paying 1 it a tribute andsailingunder its sanc- 
tion. From this period the United States having in- 
curred the heaviest losses and most mortifying' humilia- 
itons. They have borne the calamities of war with- 
out retorting- them on its authors. 

So far your committee has presented to the view 
of the House the aggressions which have been commit- 
ted under the authority of the British government on 
the commerce of the United States. We will now 
proceed to other wrongs which have been still more 
severely felt. Among these is the impressment of 
our seamen, a practice which has been unceasingly 
maintained by Great-Britain in the wars to which she 
has been a party since our revolution. Your com- 
mittee cannot convey in adequate terms the deep sense 
which they entertain of the injustice and oppression 
of this proceeding. Under the pretext of impressing 
British seamen, our fellow citizens are seized in British 
ports, on the high seas, and in every other quarter to 
which the British power extends, are taken on board 
British men of war, and compelled to serve there as 
British subjects. In this mode our citizens are wan- 



102 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

tonly snatched from their country and their families, 
deprived of their liberty, and doomed to an ignomin- 
ious and slavish bondage, compelled to tight the bat- 
tles of a foreign country, and often to perish in them. 
Our flag has given them no protection ; it lias beea 
unceasingly violated, and our vessels exposed to dan- 
ger by the loss of the men taken from them. Yonr 
committee need not remark that while the practice is 
continued, it is impossible for the United States to 
consider themselves an independent nation. Every 
new case is a new proof of their degradation. Its 
continuance is the more unjustifiable, because the 
United States have repeatedly proposed to the British 
government an arrangement which would secure to 
it the control of its own people. An exemption of 
the citizens of the United States from this degrading 
oppression, and their flag from violation, is all that 
they have sought. 

This lawless waste of our trade, and equally unlaw- 
ful impressment of our seamen, have been much ag- 
gravated by the insults and indignities attending them. 
Under the pretext of blockadingthe harbors of France 
and her allies, British squadrons have been stationed on 
our own coast, to watch and annoy our own trade. 
To give effect to the blockade of European ports, 
the ports and harbors of the United States have been 
blockaded. In executing these orders of the British 
government, or in obeying the spirit which was 
known to animate it, the commanders of these squad- 
rons have encroached on our jurisdiction, seized our 
vessels, and carried into effect impressments within 
our limits, and done oth«*r acts of great injustice, vio- 
lence, and oppression. The United States have seen, 
wilh mingled indignation and surprise, that these 
acts, instead of procuring to the perpetrators the pun- 
ishment due to unauthorised crimes, have not tailed 
to recommend them to the "favor of their govern- 
ment. 

Whether the British government has contributed 
by active measures to excite against us the hostility 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 103 

of the savage tribes on our frontiers, your committee 
are not disposed to occupy much time in investigat- 
ing. Certain indications of general notoriety may- 
supply the place of authentic documents ; though 
these have not been wanting to establish the fact in 
some instances. It is known that symptoms of Bri- 
tish hostility towards the United States, have never 
failed to produce corresponding symptoms among 
those tribes. It is also well known, that on all such 
occasions, abundant supplies of the ordinary muni- 
tions of war have been afforded by the agents of Bri- 
tish commercial companies, and even from British 
garrisons, wherewith they were enabled to commence 
that system of savage warfare on our frontiers, which 
has been at all times indiscriminate in its effect, on all 
ages, sexes and conditions, and so revolting to hu- 
manity. 

Your committee would be much gratified if they 
could close here the detail of British wrongs — but it. 
is their duty to recite another act of still greater ma- 
lignity, than any of those which have been already 
brought to your view. The attempt to dismember 
our Union, and overthrow our excellent constitu- 
tion, by a secret mission, the object of which was to 
foment discontent and excite insurrection against the 
constituted authorities and laws of the nation, as lately 
disclosed by the agent employed in it, affords full 
proof that there is no bound to the hostility of the 
British government towards the United Slates — no 
act, however unjustifiable, which it would not com- 
mit to accomplish their ruin. This attempt excites 
the greater horror from the consideration that it was 
made while the United States and Great-Britain wen 
at peace, and an amicable negociation was depending 
between them for the accommodation of their differ- 
ences, through public ministers, regularly authorised 
for the purpose. 
The United States have beheld, with unexampled for- 
bearance, this continued series of hostile encroachments 
on their rights and interests, in the hope, that, yield- 



104 HISTORY OF THIS WAR. 

ing to the force of friendly remonstrances, often 
repeated, the British government might adopt a more 
just policy towards them; but that hope no longer 
exists. They have also weighed impartially the rea- 
sons which have been urged by the British govern- 
ment in vindication of these encroachments, and found 
in them neither justification or apology. 

The British government has alleged in vindication 
of the Orders in Council that they were resorted to as 
a retaliation on France, for similar aggressions com- 
mitted by her on our neutral trade with the British 
dominions. But how has this plea been supported? 
The dates of British and French aggressions are 
well known to the world. Their origin and progress 
have been marked with too wide and destructive a 
waste of the property of our fellow-citizens to have 
been forgotten. The Decree of Berlin of November 
21st. 1806, was the first aggression of France in the 
present war. Eighteen months had then elapsed, af- 
ter the attack made by Great-Britain on our neutral 
trade, with the colonies of France and her allies, and 
six months from the date of the proclamation of May, 
180b\ Even on the 7th Jan. 1807, the date of the 
Jirst British Order in Council, so short a term had 
elapsed, after the Belin Decree, that it was hardly 
posible that the intelligence of it should have reached 
fhe United Slates. A retaliation which is to pro- 
duce its effect, by operating on a neutral power ought 
not to be resorted to, till the neutral had justified it by 
a culpable acquiescence in the unlawful act of the 
other belligerent. It ought to be delayed until after 
sufficient time had been allowed to the neutral to re- 
monstrate against the measure complained of, to re- 
ceive an answer, and Lo act on it, which had not been 
done in the present instance; and when the Order of 
November 11th was issued, it is well known that a 
minister of France had declared to the minister plen- 
ipotentiary of the United States at Paris, tliat.it was- 
not intended that the Decree of Berlin should apply 
to the United States. It is equally well known thai 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 105 

»o American vessel had then been condemned under 
it, or seizure been made, with which the British gov- 
ernment was acquainted. The facts prove incontesti- 
blv, thatthe measures of France, however unjustifiable 
in themselves, were nothing" more than a pretext for 
those of England. And of the insufficiency of that pre- 
text, ample proof has already been afforded by the 
British government itself, and in the most impressive 
form. Although it was declared that the Orders in 
Council were retaliatory on France for her Decrees, it. 
was also declared, and in the Orders themselves, that, 
owing to the superiority of the British navy, by which 
the fleets of France and her allies were confined with- 
in their own ports, the French Decrees were consider- 
ed only as empty threats. 

It is no justification of the wrongs of one power, 
that the like were committed by another ; nor ought 
the fact, if true, to have been urged by either, as it 
could afford no proof of its love of justice, of its 
magnanimity, or even of its courage. It is more 
worthy the government of a great nation, to relieve 
than to assail the injured. Nor can a repetition of the 
wrongs by another power, repair the violated rights, 
or wounded honor, of the injured party. An utter 
inability alone to resist, would justify a quiet surren- 
der of our rights, and degrading submission to the 
will of others. To that condition the United States 
are not reduced, nor do they fear it. That they ever 
consented to discuss with either the misconduct of the 
other, is a proof of their love of peace, of their 
moderation, and of the hope which they still indulg- 
ed, that friendly appeals to just and generous senti- 
ments would not. be made to them in vain. But the 
motive was mistaken, if their forbearance was im- 
puted, either to the want of a just sensibility to their 
wrongs, or of a determination, if suitable redress was 
not obtained, to resent them. The time has now ar- 
rived when this system of reasoning must cease. It 
would be insulting to repeat it. It would be degrad- 
ing to hear it The United States must act t>«* an in- 



106 HISTORY OF THE AVAR. 

dependent nation, and assert their rights, and avenge 
their wrongs, according to their own estimate of them, 
with the party who commits them, holding it respon- 
sible tor its own misdeeds, unmitigated by those of 
another. 

For the difference made between Great-Britain and 
France, by the application of the non-importation 
act against England only, the motive has been already 
too often explained, and it is too well known to require 
further illustration. In the commercial restrictions to 
which the United States resorted as an evidence of 
their sensibility, and a mild retaliation of their wrongs, 
they invariably placed both powers on the same foot- 
ing, holding to each in respect to itself, the same ac-r 
comniodation, in case it accepted the condition offer- 
ed, and in respect to the other, the same restraint, 
if it refused. Had the British government confirmed 
the arrangement which was entered into with the Bri- 
tish minister in 1809, and France maintained her De- 
crees, with France would the United States have had 
io resist, with the firmness belonging to their charac- 
ter, the continued violation of their rights. The com- 
mittee do not hesitate to declare, that France has 
greatly injured the United States, and that satisfacto- 
ry reparation has not been made for many of those 
injuries. But, that is a concern which the United 
States will look to and settle for themselves. The 
high character of the American people, is a suffi- 
cient pledge to the world, that they will not fail to 
settle it, on conditions which they have a right to 
claim. 

More recently, the true policy of the British gov- 
ernment towards the United States has been complete- 
ly unfolded. It has been publicly declared by those 
in power, that the Orders in Council should not be 
repealed, until the French government had revoked 
all its internal restraints on the British commerce, 
and that the trade of the United States, with France 
and her allies, should be prohibited until Great-Bri- 
tain was also allowed to trade with them. By this 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 107 

declaration, it appears, that to satisfy the pretensions 
of the British government, the United States must 
join Great-Britain in the war with France, and prose- 
cute the war, until France should be subdued, for 
without her subjugation, it were in vain to presume on 
such a concession. The hostility of the British gov- 
ernment has been still further disclosed. It has been 
made manifest that the United States are considered 
by it as the commercial rival of Great Britain, and 
that their prosperity and growth are incompatible with 
their welfare. When ail these circumstances are 
taken into consideration, it is impossible for your, 
committee to doubt the motives which have governed 
the British ministry in all its measures towards the 
United States since the year 1805. Equally is it im- 
possible to doubt, longer, the course which the Unit- 
ed States ought to pursue towards Great-Britain. 

From this view of the multiplied wrongs of the 
British government since the commencement of the 
present war, it must be evident to the impartial world, 
that the contest which is now forced on the United 
States, is radically a contest for their sovereignty and 
independence. Your committee will not enlarge on 
any of the injuries, however great, which have had 
a transitory effect. They wish to call the attention of 
the House to those of a permanent nature only, which 
intrench so deeply on our most important rights, and 
wound so extensively and vitally our best interests, as 
could not fail to deprive the United States of the prin- 
cipal advantages of their revolution, if submitted to. 
The control of our commerce by Great-Britain, in 
regulating it at pleasure, and almost expelling it from 
the ocean ; the oppressive manner in which these 
regulations have been carried into effect, by seizing 
and contiscating such of our vessels with their car- 
goes, as were said to have violated her Edicts, often 
without previous warning of their danger.; the ini 
pressment of our citizens from on board our own ves- 
sels, on the high seas, and elsewhere, and holding 
them in bondage until it suited the convenience of 



108 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

their oppressors to deliver them up, are encroach- 
ments of that high and dangerous tendency which 
could not fail to produce that pernicious effect, nor 
would those be the only consequences that would re- 
sult from it. The British government might for a 
while, be satisfied with the ascendency thus gained 
over us, but its pretensions would soon increase. 
The proof which so complete and disgraceful a sub- 
mission to its authority, would afford of our degene- 
racy, could not fail to inspire confidence that there 
was no limit to which its usurpations, and our degra- 
dation might not be carried. 

Your committee, believing- that the frecborn sons 
of America are worthy to enjoy the liberty which 
their fathers purchased at the price of so much blood 
and treasure, and seeing, in the measures adopted by 
Great-Britain, a course commenced and persisted in* 
which might lead to a loss of national character and 
independence, feel no hesitation in advising resistance 
by force, in which the Americans of the present 
day will prove to the enemy and the world, that we 
have not only inherited that liberty which our fathers 
g-ave us, but also the will and power to maintain it. 
Relying on the patriotism of the nation, and confi- 
dently trusting that the Lord of Hosts will go with 
us to battle in a righteous cause, and crown our ef- 
forts with success — your committee recommend an 
appeal to arms. 

- 

Soon after the above Report was read, Mr. Cal- 
houn, from the committee of foreign relations, on 
leave being given, presented a bill, declaring war be- 
tween Great- Britain, and her dependencies, and the 
United States, and their territories] which, after seve- 
ral day's debate, passed the House of Representatives 
in the following manner ; and was approved by the 
President, on the 18th dav of Juue 






HISTORY OF THE WAR. 109 

DECLARATION OF WAR. 
AN ACT, 

Declaring War between the United Kingdoms of Great- 
Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof \ 
and the United States of America, and their Terri- 
tories. 

BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentathes of the United States of America in Con- 
gress assembled, That WAR be and the same is 
hereby declarad to exist between the United King*- 
doms of Great-Britain and Ireland and the dependen- 
cies thereof, and the United States of America and 
their territories : and that the President of the United 
States be and he is hereby authorised to use the whole 
land and naval force of the United States to carry 
the same into effect and to issue to private armed 
vessels of the United States commissions, or letters of 
marque and general reprisal, in such form as he shall 
think proper, and under the seal of the United States, 
against the vessels, goods and effects of the govern- 
ment of the same United Kingdoms of Great-Britain 
And Ireland, and of the subjects thereof. 
June 18, 1812. 
Approved, JAMES MADISON 



YEAS. 

New-Hampshire. Dinsmoor, Hall, and Harper — 3, 

Massachusetts. Seaver, Carr, Green, Richardson, 
Turner, and Widgery — 6. 

Rhode-Island. None. 

Vermont. Fisk, Shaw, and Strong— 3. 

Connecticut. None. 

New-York. Pond, Avery, and Sage — 3. 

New-Jersey. Condit, and Morgan — 2. 

Pennsylvania. Seybert, Anderson, Brown, Ro- 
berts, Findley, Smilie, Lyle, Whitehill, Bard, Da- 
vis, Lefevre, Hyneman, Piper, Lacock, Crawford, 
and Smith — lb*. 

Delaware. None. 

Maryland. Kent, Little, M'Kim, Ringgold, 
Brown, and Archer — Q, 



110 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

Virginia. Nelson, Gholson, Goodwyn, Newton, 
Taliaferro, Dawson, Bassett, Smith, Hawes, Roane, 
M'Koy, Pleasants, Clopton, and Bur-well — 14. 

North-Carolina. Alston, Blackledge, Macon, 
King 1 , Cochran, and Pickens — 6. 

South-Carolina. Williams, Cheves, Lowndes, 
Butler, Calhoun, Earle, Winn, and Moore — 8. 

Georgia. Troup, Bibb, and Hall — 3. 

Kentucky. Johnson, Desha, New, M'Kee, and 
Ormsby — 5. 

Tennessee. Rhea, Grundy, and Sevier — 3. 

Oliio. Morrow — 1. 

NAYS. 

New-Hampshire. Bartlett, and Sullivan— 2. 

Massachusetts. Quincy, Reed, Taggart, Ely, 
Brigham, White, Tallman, andWheaton — 8. 

Rhode- Island. Potter, and Jackson — 2. 
Vermont. Chittenden — 1, 

Connecticut. Sturges, Davenport, Mosely, Cham- 
pion, Tallmadge, Pitkin, and Law — 7. 

New- York. Bleecker, Emott, Cooke, Fitch, Gold, 
Sammons, Stow, Tracy, Van Cortlandt, Mitchill, 
andMetcalf— 11. 

New-Jersey. Boyd, Hufty, Maxwell, and New- 
bold— 4. 

Pennsylvania. Mil nor, and Rodman — 2. 

Delaware. Ridgely — 1. 

Maryland. Key, Goldsborough, and Stuart — 3. 

Virginia. Randolph, Lewis, Baker, Brecken- 
ridge, and Wilson — 5. 

North-Carolina. Pearson, M'Bryde, and Stan- 
ford— 3. 

South- Carolina. None. 

Georyia. None. 



Kentucky. None. 




Tennessee. None. 




Ohio. None. 




Yeas, 


79 


Nays, 


49 



Majority for War, 30 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. Ill 

Iii Senate. Yeas, 19 

Nays, 13— Total Majority, 36. 



The Declaration of War, was announced the day 
after its passage, by the President's Proclamation, of 
which the following is a copy : — 

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE 

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

A PROCLAMATION. 

WHEREAS the Congress of the United States, 
by virtue of the constituted authority vested in them, 
have declared by their act, bearing date the eighteenth 
day of the present mouth, that War exists between 
the United Kingdoms of Great-Britain and Ireland, 
and the dependencies thereof, and the United States 
of America, and their Territories : Now, therefore, 
I, JAMES MADISON, President of the United 
States ot America, do hereby proclaim the same to 
all whom it may concern ; and I do specially enjoin 
on all persons holding offices, civil or military, under 
the authority of the United States, that they be vigi- 
lant and zealous in discharging the duties respective- 
ly incident thereto : And 1 do moreover exhort all the 
good people of the United States, as they love their 
country; as they value the precious heritage derived 
from the virtue and valor of their fathers ; as the) fee' 
the wrongs which have forced on them the last resor. 
of injured nations ; and as they consult the best 
means, under the blessing of Divine Providence, of 
abridging its calamities ; that they exert themselves 
in preserving order, in promoting concord, in main- 
taining the authority and efficacy of the laws, and in 
supporting and invigorating ail the measures which 
may be adopted by the constituted authorities, tor 
obtaining a speedy, a just, and an honorable peace: 



112 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

In testimony whereof I have hereunto 
set tuy hand, and caused the seal of the 
United States to be affixed to these pres- 
sents. 
(SEAL) 

DONE at the City of Washington, the nine- 
teenth day of June one thousand eight hun- 
dred and twelve, and of the Independence 
of the United States the thirty-sixth. 
(Signed) 

JAMES MADISON. 
By the President, 

(Signed) JAMES MONROE. 

Secretary of State. 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE FIRST PRISONER, 

Was taken in Norfolk, Virginia. — A gentleman, 
by the name of Wilkinson, arrived in that place 
about the first of June, and put up at the British 
Consul's. The citizens suspected him to be a British 
officer, and accordingly kept an eye upon him. On 
the receipt of the Declaration of War, Wilkinson, 
as the mail boat was about to depart, was seen to make 
a precipitate retreat through the back strvet y which 
led from the Consul's to the wharf, where the boat 
lay, when he sprang on board, darted into the cabin, 
and in a few seconds was under way. It was known 
that a man of war was hovering on the coast, and 
his intention was to communicate the declaration of 
war to her. Boats, from the navy yard and fort Nel- 
son, were immediately dispatched, which succeeded 
in taking Wilkinson. He proved to be a captain in 
tie Roval Marines. 



HISTORY OF THE AVAR. 113 

THE FIRST PRIZE, 

Was the schooner Patriot, .1. A. Brown, Master, 
from Guadaloupe, bound to Halifax, with a valuable 
cargo of sugar, taken by the revenue cutter Jeti'erson, 
Win. Ham, Master, and arrived vt Norfolk, June 26. 



PRESIDENTS MESSAGE. 

To the Senate and House of Itiepresentatives of the 

United States. 
I transmit, for the information of Congress, copies 
of letters which have passed between the Secretary 
of State, and the Envoy extraordinary and minister 
Plenipotentiary of Great-Britain. 

JAMES MADISON. 
June lH, 1812. 

Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroe. 

Washington June 10, 1812. 
SIR, 

It has been extremely satisfactory to me, to find by 
your letter dated June 6th, which I had the honor to 
receive yesterday morning", that it was not the wish of 
the American government to close all futher discus- 
sion relative to the important questions at issue, be- 
tween the two countries. I beg you to be assured, 
sir, that it never was my intention, in alluding to my 
letters which had remained without answer at your 
office, to use any expressions which could, in the most 
remote manner contain any thing personal. I shall 
ever be ready with pleasure to bear testimony to thai 
frankness, candor, and good temper which so emi- 
nently distinguish you, and have been acknowledged 
to belong to you, by all who have ever had the honor 
to discuss with you any question of public interest. 

But, sir, although you were not backward in enter- 
ing into full explanations with me verbally, I could 
not but feel j particularly as I had just communication- 
tionstomake to you of the greatest importance, that 
I hail a right to expect from you a written reply to 
them ; and while I remembered that two of rriv f'orm- 

15 



114 HISTORY OF THE WAll. 

er nctcs were slill unanswered, the one written three 
months ago, containing among' other important top- 
icks a particular question which I was expressly in- 
structed to put to you, as to whether you could point 
to any public act, 09 the part of the French govern- 
ment, by which they had really revoked their Decrees, 
and the other furnishing strong evidence of the con- 
tinued existence of those very Decrees ; also, when 
I perceived that my note, communicating the duke of 
Bassano's report, which you knew was to be sent to 
vou on the lstinst. was not waited for, but that a mes- 
sage was transmitted by the Executive to Congress, 
which it seems contained a reference to an insulated 
passage in the despatch on which my note was found- 
ed, that if taken unconnected with vthat preceeded or 
followed, it might be liable to misconstruction, I could 
not avoid apprehending that no means of further ex- 
planation might be left open to me. 

I beg you to be assured sir, that if I was embarras- 
sed by your demands of an explanation as to what 
appeared to you to be a difference between lord Cas* 
tlereagh's despatch, communicated to you, and my 
note, it arose from the novelty of the demand, that 
seemed to involve an informality of proceeding, in 
which I could not feel my self justified in acquiescing". 
Had you, in making a reply to my communication, 
asked me how far a repeal of the French Decrees 
was demanded by my government and as to whether 
a special repeal, as far as respected America, would 
be sufficient I should have had no hesitation in giv- 
ing you every satisfaction. 

Your note of the 6th instant has, by shewing thai 
the door was not absolutely shut to a continuance of 
our discussion, relieved me from further difficulty on 
this point. 

I have no hesitation, sir, in saying that Great-Bri- 
tain, as the case has hitherto stood, never did, nor 
never could engage, without the grossest injustice to 
herself and her allies, as well as to other neutral na- 
tions, to repeal her orders as affecting America alone, 



J T 

HISTORY OP TH-E AVAli. i \."% 

leaving them in force against other states, upon con- 
dition that Prance would except, singly and special- 
ly, America from the operation of her IDecrees. You 
will recollect, sir, that the Orders in Council are meas- 
ures of defence, directed Against the system contained 
in those Decrees ; that it is a war of trade which is car- 
ried on by France ; that what you call the municipal 
regulations of France, have never been called munici- 
pal by France herself, but are her main engines in that 
novel and monstrous system. It cannot, then, be 
expected that Great-Britain should renounce her ef- 
forts to throw back upon France the evils with v. Inch 
she menaces Great-Britain, merely because France 
might seek to alleviate her own situation by waving 
the exercise of that part of her system which she 
cannot enforce. 

But, sir, to what purpose argue upon a supposed 
case ; upon a state of things not likely to occur, since 
the late report and senatus consultum which have 
been published to the world, as it were, insultingly in 
the face of those who would contend that any repeal 
whatever had taken place, of the Decrees in question. 

you draw a comparison between the modem which 
this instrument has appeared, and that which you call 
the high evidence of the repeal as staled in Mr. Cham- 
pagny's note : and it would almost seem as if you 
considered the latter as the most authentic of the two - y 
but, sir, you cannot seriously contend that the duke 
of Bassano's report, with the senatus consultum ac- 
companying it, published in the official paper at Pa* 
ris, is not a very different instrument from the above 
letter, offering a mere provisional repeal of the De- 
crees, upon conditions utterly inadmissible : condi- 
tions too, which really formed of themselves a ques- 
tion of paramount importance. 

The condition then demanded, and which was 
brought forward so unexpectedly, was a repeal of the 
blockade of May, 1800, which Mr. Pinkney, in the 
letter sou have referred me to, declared to have been 
required by America as indispensable in the view of 



116 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

her acts of intercourse aiul non-intercourse, as well 
as, a repral of other blockades of a similar character, 
which were maintained by Great-Britain, to be found- 
ed on strict maritime rights. 

The conditions now annexed to the French de- 
mand are much more extensive, a id as I have shewn, 
includes a surrender of many other of the most estab- 
lished principles of the public law of nations. 

I cannot, I confess, see upon what ground you con- 
tend that the report of the duke of Bassano, affords no 
proof against any partail repeal of the French De- 
crees. The principles advanced in that report are 
general ; there is no exception made in favor of 
America, and in the correspondence of Mr. Barlow, 
as officially published, he seems to allow llmt he had 
no explanation respecting it. How can it, therefore, 
be considered in any other light than as a republica- 
tion of the Decrees themselves P which, as it were to 
take away all ground for any doubt, expressly ad- 
vances a doctrine that can only be put in practice on 
the high seas, namely, ' that tree ships shall make 
free goods,' since the application of such a principle, 
to vessels in port is absolutely rejected under his con- 
tinental system. 

It is, indeed, impossible to see how, under such 
circumstances, America can call upon Great-Britain. 
to revoke her Orders in Council. It is impossible 
that she can revoke them at this moment, in common 
justice to herself and to her allies; but, sir, while un- 
der the necessity of continuing them, she will be 
ready to manage their exercise, so as to alleviate as. 
much as possible, the pressure upon America ; and 
it wouid give me great pleasure to confer with yon, 
at any time, upon the. most advisable manner of pro- 
ducing that effect. I have the honor, &.c. 
(Signed) AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. 

To the /ion. James Monroe, <kc. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 117 

Mr. Monroe to Mr. Foster. 
Department of State, June 13, 1812. 

SIR, 

1 am not aware that any letter of yours, on any 
subject, on which the final decision of this govern- 
ment had not been communicated to you, has been 
suffered to remain without a prompt and written an- 
swer ; and even in the cases thus supposed to have 
been sellled, which you thought proper to revive, al- 
though no favorable change had taken place in the 
policy or measures of your government, I have never 
faiied to explain to you informally, in early inter- 
views, the reasons which made it imperiously the du- 
ty of the United States to continue to afford, to their 
rights and interests, all the protection in their power. 
The acknowledgment of this on your part, was due 
to the frankness of the communications which have 
passed between us on the highly important subjects 
on which we have treated, anil I am happy to find 
by your letter of the 10th inst. that in reiving on it, I 
have not been disappointed. 

The impropriety of the demand made by your gov- 
ernment of a copy of the instrument of instructions 
given by the French government to its cruizers, after 
the repeal of the Berlin and Milan Decrees, was 
sufficiently shown in Mr. Pinkney's letter to the Mar- 
quis of Wellesley of the 10th of December, 1810, 
and in my letters to you of the 23d July, 181 1, and 
14th January last. It was for this reason that I thought 
it more suitable to refer you to those letters, for the 
answer to that demand, than to repeat it in a formal 
communication. 

It excites, however, no small surprise, that you 
should continue to demand a copy of that instrument, 
or any new proof of the repeal of the French De- 
crees, at the very time that yon declare that the proof 
■which you demand, in the extent to which we have a 
right to claim the repeal, would not, if afforded, ob- 
tain a corresponding repeal of the Orders in Council. 
This demand is the more extraordinary, when it is 



118 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

considered, that since the repeal of the Decrees, as it 
respects the United States, was announced, your gov- 
ernment has enlarged its pretensions, as to the condi- 
tions on which the Orders in Council should be re- 
pealed, and even invigorated its practice under them. 

It is satisfactory to find that there has been no mis- 
apprehension of the condition, without which your 
government refuses to repeal the Orders in Council. 
You admit that to obtain their repeal, in respect to 
the United States, the repeal of the French Decrees 
must be absolute and unconditional, not as to the 
United States Only, but to all other neutral nations ; 
nor as far as they affect neutral commerce only, but 
as they operate internally and affect the trade in Bri- 
tish manufactures with the enemies of Great-Britain. 
As the Orders in Council have formed a principal 
cause of the differences which unhappily exist be- 
tween our countries, a condition of their repeal, com- 
municated in any authentic document or manner, was 
entitled to particular attention ; and surely none could 
have so high a claim to it, as the letter from Lord 
Castlcreagh to you, submitted by his authority to my 
view, for the express purpose of making that condi- 
tion, with its other contents, known to this govern- 
ment. 

With this knowledge of the determination of your 
government, to say nothing of the other conditions 
annexed to the repeal of the Orders in Council, it is 
impossible for me to devise or conceive any arrange- 
ment consistent with the honor, the rights and inter- 
ests of the United States, that could be made the ba- 
sis or become the result of a conference on the subject. 
As the President nevertheless retains his solicitude to 
see a happy determination of any differences between 
the two countries, and wishes that every opportunity, 
however unpromising, which may possibly lead to it, 
should be taken advantage of, I have the honor to in- 
form vouthat. I am ready to receive and pay due atten- 
tion to any communication or propositions having the 
object in view, which you may be authorised to make. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 119 

Under existing* circumstances, it is deemed most 
advisable, in every respect, that this should he done 
in writing-, as most susceptible of the requisite pre- 
cision, and least liable to misapprehension. Allow 
me to add, that it is equally desirable that it should 
be done without delay. By this it is not meant to 
preclude any additional opportunity which may be 
alVorded by a personal interview. 1 have the honor 
to be, &cc. 

(Signed) JAMES MONROE. 

Augustus J. Foster. §c. 

Mr. Foster to 3Ir. Monroe. 

Washington, June 14, 1812. 
.SIK, 

1 have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of youi 
letter of the 13th instant. 

It is really quite painful to me to perceive, that not- 
withstanding the length of the discussions which have 
taken place between us, misapprehensions have again 
arisen respecting some of the most important features 
in the questions at issue between our two countries ; 
which misapprehensions, perhaps, proceeding" from 
my not expressing myself sufficiently clear in my note 
of the 10th inst. in relation to one of those questions, 
it is absolutely necessary should be done away. 

1 beg' leave again to state to you, sir, that it is not 
the operation of the French Decrees upon the British 
trade with the enemies of Great-Britain, that has ever 
formed a subject of discussion between us, and that it 
is the operation of those Decrees upon Great-Britain, 
through neutral commerce only, which has really 
been the point at issue. Had America resisted the 
effect of those Decrees in their foil extent upon her 
neutral rights, we should never have had a difference 
upon the subject; but while French cruizers continue 
to capture her ships under their operation, she seems 
to have been satisfied if those ships were released by 
special imperial mandates, is-ued as the occasion 
u-ose : and she has chosen tu call municipal an m-ex- 



120 HISTORY Ui THE WAR. 

am pled assumption of authority by France, in coun* 
tries not under French jurisdiction, and expressly in- 
vaded for the purpose of preventing- their trade with 
England, on principles directly applicable to, if they 
could be enforced against America. 

J beg' you to recollect, sir, that it no revocation had 
been made of the Orders in Council, upon any repeal 
of the French Decrees, as hitherto shown by America 
to have taken place, it has not been the fault of his 
Majesty's government. It was France, and after- 
wards America, that connected the question relative 
to the ri«ht of blockade with that arising 1 out of the 
Orders in Council. You well know that if these two 
questions had not been united together, the Orders in 
Council would have been, in 1810, revoked. How 
could it be expected that Great-Britain, in common 
justice to other neutral nations, to her allies, and to her- 
self, should not contend for a full and absolute repeal 
of the French Decrees, or should engage to make 
any particular concession in favor of America, when 
she saw that America would not renounce her d e- 
mand for a surrender with the Orders in Council of 
some of our most important maritime rights. 

Even to this day, sir, you have not explicitly stated 
;n any of the letters to which you refer me, that the 
American government would expressly renounce 
asking for a revocation of the blockade of May i80(j, 
and the other blockade alluded to in Mr. Pmkney's 
letter ; much less have I been able to obtain from you 
any disclaimer of the rights asserted by France to 
impose upon the world the new maritime code pro- 
mulgated by France in the late republication of her 
Decrees, although I have, by order of my govern- 
ment, expressly stated their expectation of such dis- 
claimer, and repeatedly called for an explanation ttt 
this point. 

I will now say that I feei entirely authorised to 
assure you that if you can, at any time, produce a full 
and unconditional repeal of the French Decrees, as 
you have a right to demand it in vonr character of a 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 121 

neutral nation, and that it be disengaged from any 
connection with the question concerning our maritime 
rights, we shall be ready to meet you with a revoca- 
tion of the Orders in Council. Previous to your pro- 
ducing such an instrument, which I am sorry to see 
you regard as unnecessary, you cannot expect of us to 
give up our Orders in Council. v 

In reference to the concluding paragraph of your 
letter in answer to that in mine of the 10th inst. I will 
only say, that I am extremely sorry to find you think 
it imposible to devise or conceive any arrangement 
consistent with the honor, rights, and interests, of the 
United States, which might tend to alleviate the pres- 
sure of the Orders in Council on the commerce of 
America. It would have given me great satisfaction 
if we could have fallen upon some agreement that, 
might have had such effect. My government, while 
under the imperious necessity of resisting France with 
her own weapons, most earnestly desires that the in- 
terest of America may suffer as little as possible from 
the incidental effect of the conflict. They are aware 
that their retaliatory measures have forced the ruler of 
France to yield in some degree from his hostile De- 
crees, and whether it were more advisable to push 
those measures rigorously on until they complete the 
breaking of it up altogether (the main object of our 
retaliatory system) or to take advantage of the par- 
tial and progressive retractions of it, produced by the 
necessities of the enemy, has been a question with 
his Majesty's government. It is one on which they 
would have been most desirous to consult the interest 
of America. Under existing circumstances, how- 
ever, and from our late communications, I have not 
felt encouraged to make you any written proposal 
arising out of this state of things; I shall, therefore, 
merely again express to you, that as the object of 
Great-Britain has been throughout to endeavor, while- 
forced, in behalf of her most important rights and in- 
terest to retaliate upon the French Decrees, to com- 
"bine that retaliation with the greatest possible degree 



122 HlSl'ORV OF THE WAR. 

of attention to the interest of America, it would give 
his Majesty's government the most sincere satisfacl ion 
if some arrangement could be found which would have 
so desirable an effect. I have. &c. 

( Signed ) AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. 

To the hen. James 3Ionroe, See. 



PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE, 

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the 

United States. 
1 communicate to Congress copies of a letter to the 
Secretary of state, from the charge d'aifairs of the 
United States at London, and of a note to him from 
the British Secretary for foreign affairs, 

JAMES MADISON. 
June 22, 1812. 

Mr. Bussell to the Secretary of State. 

London, May 2, 1812. 

SIR — After closing the duplicate of my letter to 
you of the 26th ult. I discovered the copy of the note 
of lordCastlereaghto me of the 21st ult. had been left 
out by mistake. I take the liberty of now hauding 
it to you. I am, &c. 

JONATHAN RUSSELL. 

To the hon. James Monroe, fyc. 

[Enclosed in the above.] 

The undersigned, his Majesty's principal Secretary 
of state for foreign affairs, is commanded by his Roy- 
al Highness, the Prince Regent, to transmit to .\5r. 
Russell, charge d'aflairs of the government of the 
United States of America, the enclosed copy of a 
declaration accompanying an Order in Council which 
has been this day passed by his Royal Highness, the 
Prince Regent in Council. 

The undersigned is commanded by the Prince Re- 
gent to request that Mr. Russell, in making this 
communication to his government, will represent this 
measure as conceived in the true spirit of conciliation, 
and with a due regard, on the part of (lis Royal 



HISTORY OP THE WAR. 123 

Highness, to the honor and interest of the United 
'States; and the undersigned ventures to express his 
confident hope, that this decisive proof of the amica- 
ble sentiments which animate the councils of his 
Royal Highness towards America, may accelerate 
the return of amity and mutual confidence between 
Great-Britain and the United States. 

The undersigned avails himself of this opportunity 
to repeat to Mr. Russell the assurances of his high 
consideration. 

CASTLEREAGH. 

Foreign Office, April 21, 1812. 
[COPY.] 
Mr. Russell to lord Castlereayh. 

My Lord — I have the honor to acknowledge the 
receipt of the note which your lordship addressed to 
me on the 21st of this month, enclosing, by command 
of his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent, a copy 
of a declaration accompanying an Order in Council 
which had this day been passed. 

It would afford me the highest satisfaction, in com- 
municating that declaration and order to my govern- 
ment, to have represented them, as conceived in the 
true spirit of conciliation and with a due regard to 
the honor and interests of the United States. I re- 
gret, however, that so far from perceiving in them 
any evidence of the amicable sentiments which are 
professed to animate the councils of his Royal High- 
ness, I am compelled to consider them as an unequiv- 
ocal proof of the determination of his Britannic Ma- 
jesty's government to adhere to a system, which, both 
as to principle and fact, originated, and has been con- 
tinned in error; and against which, the government 
of the United States, so long as it respects itself and 
the essential rights of the nation over which it is placed, 
cannot cease to contend. 

The United States have never considered it their 
duty to enquire, nor do they pretend to decide, wheth- 
er England or France was guilty, in relation to the 
other v of the first violation of the public law of nations ; 



124 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

but they do consider it their most imperious duty to 
protect themselves from the unjust operation of the 
unprecedented measure of retaliation professed by 
both powers, to be founded on such violation. In 
this operation, by whichever party directed, the Unit- 
ed States have never for a moment acquiesced, nor by 
the slightest indication of such acquiescence, afford- 
ed a pretext, for extending to them the evils, by which 
England and France affect to retaliate on each other. 
They have in no instance departed from the observ- 
ance of that strict impartiality which their peaceful 
position required, and which ought to have secured 
to them the unmolested enjoyment of their neutrality. 
To their astonishment, however, they perceived that 
both these belligerent powers, under the pretence of 
annoying each other, adopted and put in practice new 
principles of retaliation, involving the destruction of 
those commercial and maritime rights which the Unit- 
ed States regard as essential and* inseparable attri- 
butes of their independence. Although alive to all 
the injury and injustice of this system, the American 
government resorted to no measures to oppose it, 
which were not of the most pacific and impartial 
character in relation to both the aggressors. Its re* 
monstrances, its restrictions, of commercial inter- 
course, and its overtures for accommodation, were 
equally addressed to England and France : and if 
there is now an inequality in the relations of the Unit- 
ed States With these countries, it can only be ascrib- 
ed to England herself, who rejected the terms 
proffered to both, while France accepted them, and 
who continues to execute her retaliatory Edicts on 
the high seas, while those of Fiance have here ceased 
to operate. 

If Great-Britain could not be persuaded by consid- 
erations of universal equality, to retrain from adopt- 
ing any line of conduct, however unjust, forvvhich she 
might discover a precedent in the conduct of her en- 
emy, or to a; audon an attempt 01 remotely and uneer- 
tainly annoying that enemy through the immediate 



HISTORY OF THE WAU. J 2 

and sure destruction of the vital interest of a neutral 
and unoffending slate, yet it was confidently expected 
that she would be willing" to follow that enemy also in 
his return towards justice, and, from a respect to her 
own declarations, to proceed pari passu with him in 
the revocation of the offending- Edicts. This just 
expectation has, however, been disappointed, and an 
exemption of the flag' of the United States from the 
operation of the Berlin and Milan Decrees, has pro- 
duced no corresponding 1 modification of the British 
Orders in Council. On the contrary, the fact of such 
exemption on the part of France, appears, by the de- 
claration and Order in Council of the British govern- 
ment on the 21st of this month, to be denied, and the 
engagements of the latter, to proceed, step by step, 
.with its enemy, in the work of repeal and relaxation, 
to be disowned or disregarded. 

That Prance has repealed her Decrees so far as 
they respected the United States, has been established 
by declarations and facts, satisfactory to them, and 
which it was presumed should have been equally sat- 
isfactory to the British government. A formal and 
authentic declaration of the French government com- 
municated to the minister plenipotentiary of the Unit- 
ed States at Paris, on the 5th of August, 1810, an- 
nounced that the Decrees of Berlin and Milan were 
revoked, and should cease to operate on the 1st of the 
succeeding November, provided that a condition pre- 
sented to England, or another condition presented ,to 
the United States should be performed. The condi- 
tion presented to the United States was performed, 
and their performance rendered absolute the repea- 
of the Decrees. So far therefore, from this repea i 
depending upon a condition in which Great-Britain 
could not acquiesce, it became absolute, independe:i ; 
of a ly act or Great-Britain, the moment the act pro- 
posed for the performance of the United States wih 
accomplished. Such was the construction given to 
this measure by the United States from the first; ami 
that it was a correct one has been sufficiently evinced 
by the subsequent practice. 



126 HISTORY OF TITE WAK. 

Several instances of the acquittal of American ves- 
sels and cargoes, to which the Decrees would have 
attached, if still in force against the United Stales, 
have, from time to time, been presented, to his BriU 
tannic Majesty's government. That these cases 
have been few, is to be ascribed to the few captures, 
in consequence of this repeal, made by French cruiz- 
ers : and should no other such case occur, it would be 
owing to the efficacy of this repeal, and to the exact 
observance of it, even by the most wanton and irreg- 
ular of those cruizers. 

From the 1st of November, 1810, to the 29th of 
January of the present year, as appears by a note 
which 1 had the honor to address to the predecessor 
of your lordship, on the 8th of February last, the Ber- 
lin and Milan Decrees had not been applied to Amer- 
ican property, nor have I heard that such application 
has since been made. 

But against the authentic act of the French govern- 
ment of the 5th of August, 1810, and the subsequent 
conduct of the government mutually explaining each 
other, and conforming the construction adopted by 
the United States, a report said to be communicated 
by the French minister of foreign affairs to the con- 
servate senate, is opposed. Without pretending to 
doubt the genuineness of that report, although it has 
reached this country only in a newspaper, yet it is to be 
lamented thatas much form and evidence of authenti- 
city have not been required, in an act considered as 
furnishing cause for the continuance of the Orders in 
Council, as an act which by the very terms of these 
Orders challenged their revocation. — The act of the 
5th of August, 1810, emanating from the sovereign of 
France, officially communicated to the British govern- 
ment, and satisfactorily expounded and explained by 
the practical comments of more than eighteen months, 
is denied to afford convincing evidence of the repeal 
of the French Decrees, while full proof of their con- 
tinuance is inferred from a report, which, from its 
verv nature, must contain the uwre opinions and spe-» 



HISTORY OP THE WAR. 127 

eolations of a subject which is destitute of all author- 
ity until acted upon by the body to which it was pre- 
sented, which has found its way hither in no more 
authentic shape than the columns of the Moniteur, 
and for the proper understanding of which not. a mo- 
ment has been allowed. — But even were the cause 
thus assigned to the report just, it is still difficult to 
discover what inference can be fairly deduced from 
it incompatible with the previous declarations and 
conduct of the French government exempting the 
United States from the operation of its Decrees. The 
very exception in that report with regard to nations 
who do flot suffer their flag to be denationalized ', was 
undoubtedly made with reference to the United 
States, and with a view to reconcile the general tenor 
of that report with the good faith with which it became 
France to observe the conventional repeal of those 
Decrees in their favor. However novel may be the 
terms employed, or whatever may be their precise 
meaning', they ought to be interpreted to accord with 
the engagements of the French government, and with 
justice and good faith. 

Your lordship will, I doubt not, the more readily 
acknowledge the propriety of considering the report 
in this light, by a reference to similar reports made to 
the same conservative senate, on the 13th of Dec. 
1810, by the duke of Cadore (the predecessor of the 
present French minister of exterior relations) and by 
the count de Simonville. In these reports they say 
to the emperor, (which proves that such reports are 
not to be considered as dictated by him) * Sire, as lon<r 
as England shall perist in her Orders in Council, so 
long your Majesty will persist in your Decrees,' and 
- the Decrees of Berlin and Milan are an answer t* » 
the Orders in Council. The British cabinet, has, thus 
to speak, dictated them to France. Europe receives 
them for her code, and this code shall become the 
palladium of the liberty of the seas.' Surely this lan- 
guage is as strong as that of the report of tlie 10th, of 
March and still more absolute ; for theh» is no quali 



12S HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

fication in it in favor of any nation ; this language has 
both, by an explanation of the duke of Cadore to 
me at the same time, and by the uniform conduct of 
the French government since, been reconciled with 
the repeal of these Decrees, so far as they concerned 
the United States. 

Had the French Decrees originally afforded an 
adequate foundation for the British Orders in Council, 
and been continued after these reports, in full force, 
and extent, surely during a period in which above a 
hundred American vessels and their cargoes have fal- 
len a prey to these Orders, some one solitary instance, 
of capture and confiscation must have happened under 
those Decrees. That no such instance has happened 
incontrovertibly proves either that those Decrees are 
of themselves harmless, or that they have been repeal- 
ed; and in either case they can afford no rightful plea 
or pretext for Great-Britain, for these measures of pre- 
tended retaliation, whose sole effect is to lay waste 
the neutral commerce of America. 

"With the remnant of those Decrees, which is still 
in force, and which consists of municipal regulations, 
confined in their operation within the proper and un- 
deniable jurisdiction of the States where they are exe- 
cuted the XJnited States have no concern ; nor do 
they acknowledge themselves to be under any politi- 
cal obligation, cither to examine into the ends propos- 
ed to be attaint by this surviving portion of the con- 
tinental system* or to oppose their accomplishment. 
Whatever may be intended to be done in regard to 
other nationsby this system, cannot be imputed to the 
United States, nor are they to be made responsible, 
while they religiously observe the obligations of their 
neutrality for the mode in which belligerent nations 
may choose to exercise their power, for tbe injury of 
each other. >Yhen, however, these nations exceed 
ihe just limits <>i their power by the invasion of the 
lights of peaceful states on the ocean which is subject 
to the Common and equal jurisdiction of all nations, 
the United Slates cannot remain indifferent, and by 



HISTORY OP THE WAR. 12$ 

quietly consenting 1 to yield up their share of this juris- 
diction, abandon their maritime rights. — Fiance has 
respected these rights by the discontinuance of her 
Edicts on the high seas ; leaving no part of these 
Edicts in operation to the injury of the United States; 
and of course, no part in which they can be supposed 
to acquiesce, or against which they can be required 
to contend. They ask Great-Britain, by a like re- 
spect for their rights, to exempt them from the ope- 
ration of her Orders in Council. Should such ex- 
emption involve the total practical extinction of these 
Orders,, it will only prove that they were exclusively 
applied to the commerce of the United States, and 
that they had not a single feature of resemblance to 
the Decrees, against which they are professed to re- 
taliate. 

It is with patience and confidence that the United 
States have expected this exemption, and which they 
believed themselves entitled, by all those considera- 
tions of right and promise, which I have freely stat- 
ed to your lordship. With what disappointment, 
therefore, must they learn that Great-Britain, in pro- 
fessing to do away their disaffection, explicitly avows 
her intention to persevere in her Orders in Council, 
until some authentic act hereafter to be promulgated 
by the French government, shall declare the Berlin 
and Milan Decrees are expressly and unconditionally 
repealed. To obtain such an act can the United 
States interfere ? Would such an interference be 
compatible either with a sense of justice or with what 
is due to their own dignity? Can they be expected 
to falsify their repeated declarations of their satisfac- 
tion with the act of the 5th of August, 1810, continu- 
ed by abundant evidence of its subsequent observ- 
ance, and by now affecting to doubt of the sufficien- 
cy of that act, to demand another, which in its form, 
its mode of publication, and its import, shall accord 
with the requisitions ot Great-Britain ? And can it be 
supposed that the French government would listen to 
17 



130 lilSTORV OF TH£ WAR. 

such a proposal made under such circumstances, a'lrtl 
with such a view ? 

While, therefore, I can perceive no reason, in the 
•report of the French minister, of the 10th of March, 
-to believe that the United States erroneously assumed 
the repeal of the French Decrees, to be complete in 
relation to them ; while aware that the condition of 
which the Orders in Council is now distinctly made 
to depend, is the total repeal of both the Berlin and Mi- 
lan Decrees, instead as formerly of the Berlin Decree 
only; and while I feel that to ask the performance 
of this condition from otheis, inconsistent with the 
honor of the United States, and to perform it them- 
selves beyond their power; your lordship will per- 
mit me frankly to avow that I cannot accompany the 
communication to my government, of the declaration 
-and Order in Council of the 21st of this month, with 
any felicitation on the prospect which this measure 
presents of an accellerated return of amity and mu- 
tual confidence between the two states- 
It is with real pain that I make to your lordship 
this avowal, and J will seek still to confide in the 
spirit which your lordship in your note, and in the 
. conversation of this morning 1 , has been pleased to say 
actuates the councils of his Royal Highness in rela- 
tion to America, and still to cherish a hope that the 
spirit will lead, upon a review of the whole ground, 
to measures of a nature better calculated to attain this 
object, and that this object will no longer be made to 
depend on the conduct of a third power, or contingen- 
cies over which the United States have no controul, 
but alone upon the rights of the United States, the 
justice of Great-Britain, and the common interests 
of both. 

I have the honor to he, Sec. 
(Signed) JONATHAN RUSSELL. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 131 

[The following Order in Council should have been \ 
inserted in page 123.1 

ORDER IN COUNCIL. 

At the Court at Carlton-House, the 21st day of 
April, 1812, present his Royal Highness the Prince . 
Recent in Council. 

WHEREASthe government of France has, by an offi- 
cial report, communicated by its minister of Foreign 
affairs to the conservative Senate, on the 10th of 
March last, removed all doubts as to the perseverance 
of that government in the assertion of principles, and 
in the maintenance of a system, not more hostile to 
the maritime rights and commercial interest of the 
British empire, than inconsistent with the rights and 
independence of neutral nations, and has thereby 
plainly developed the inordinate pretensions which 
that system, as promulgated in the Decrees of Berlin 
and Milan, was from the tirst designed to enforce. 

And whereas his Majesty has invariably professed 
his readiness to revoke the Orders in Council adopted 
thereupon, as soon as the said Decrees of the enemy » 
should be formally and unconditionally repealed, and 
the commerce of neutral nations restored to its accus- 
tomed course : 

His Royal Highness the Prince Regent (anxious 
to give the most decisive proof of His Royal High- 
ness' disposition to perform the engagements of his 
Majesty's government) is pleased, in the name and on 
the behalf of his Majesty, and by and with the advice 
of his Majesty's Privy Council, to order and declare,, 
and it is hereby ordered and declared that if, at any, 
time hereafter, the Berlin and Milan Decrees shall by 
some authentic act of the French government, publicly 
promulgated, be absolutely and unconditionally re- 
pealed, then, and from thenceforth, the Order in 
Council of the 7th day of January, 1807, and the 
Order in Council of the 26th day of April, 1809j 
shall, without any further order, be, and the same are 
hereby declared from thenceforth to be wholly and 



132 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

absolutely revoked ; and further, that the full benefit 
of this order shall be extended to any ship or cargo 
captured subsequent to such authentic act of repeal 
of the French Decrees, although antecedent to such 
repeal such ship or vessel shall have commenced and 
shall have been in the prosecution of a voyage which, 
tinder the said Orders in Council, or one of them, 
would have subjected her to capture and condemna- 
tion ; and the claimant of any ship or cargo which 
shall be captured or brought to adjudication, on ac- 
count of any alleged breach of either of the said Or- 
ders in Council, at any time subsequent to such au- 
thentic act of repeal by the French government, shall 
without any further Order or Declaration on the part 
of his Majesty's government on this subject, be at lib- 
erty to give inevidence in the high Courts of Admi-. 
ralty, or any Court of Vice- Admiralty, before which 
such ship or cargo shall be brought for adjudication, 
that such repeal by the French government had been, 
by such authentic act, promulgated prior to such 
capture ; and upon proof thereof, the voyage shall be 
deemed and taken to have been as lawful as if the 
said Orders in Council had never been made : saving, 
nevertheless, to the captors, such protection and in* 
demnity as they may be equitably entitled to in the 
judgment of the said Court, by reason of their ignor- 
ance, of uncertainty as to the repeal of the French 
Decrees, or of the recognition of such repeal by his 
Majesty's government at the time of such capture. 

His Royal Highness, however, deems it proper to 
declare, that should the repeal of the French Decrees, 
thus anticipated and provided for, prove afterwards 
to have been illusory on the part of the enemy ; and 
should the restrictions thereof be still practically en- 
forced, or revived by the enemy; Great-Britain will 
be compelled, however reluctantly, after reasonable 
notice, to have recourse to such measures of retalia- 
tion as may then appear to, be just and necessary. 

And the Right Honorable ihe lords comniission-r 
ers ot his Majesty's treasury, his Majesty's principal 



HISTORY OF TH45 WAR. VSti 

Secretaries of state, the lords Commissioners of the 
Admiralty, and the Judges of the high Court of Ad- 
miralty, and the Judges of the Courts of Vice- Admi- 
ralty, are to take the necessary measures therein as to 
them shall respectively appertain. 

CHETWYND. 



Previous to the Declaration of War, Gen. Hull, 
with ahout two thousand men, was ordered to proceed 
to Detroit. — The army arrived at the head of Lake 
Erie, about the time war was declared ; and several 
officers, and Indies, with the baggage of the General 
Officers, proceeded down the Lake to Detroit, in a 
gun vessel. — The British received the news of the 
war before Gen. Hull, and sent a brig in pursuit of 
his baggage, which succeeded in capturing her, and 
carried her into Maiden. — The British commander 
sent the ladies over to Detroit, in a flag of truce, 
which was the first intelligence they had received of 
the war. 

Gen. Hull, after concentrating his forces, at Detroit, 
crossed over the river to Sandwich, and issued the 
following singular General Order. 

BY WILLIAM HULL, 

Brigadier General and Commander of the North 
Western Army of the United States : 
A PROCLAMATION. 
Inhabitants of Canada ! 

After thirty years of peace and prosperity, the 
United States have been driven to arms. The inju- 
ries and aggressions, the insults and indignities of 
Great-Britain have once more left them no alterna- 
tive but manly resistance, or unconditional submis- 
sion. The army under my command has invaded 
your country ; the standard of the Union now waves 
over the territory of Canada. To the peaceable un- 
offending inhabitant, it brings neither danger nor dif- 
ficulty. I come to find enemies, not to make them. 
I come to protect, not to injure you. 



134 HISTORY OP THE WAR.? 

Separated by an immen.se ocean and an extensive 
wilderness from Great-Britain, you have no partici- 
pation in her councils, no interest in her conduct. 
You have felt her tyranny, you have seen her injus- 
tice. But I do not ask yon to avenge the one, or to 
redress the other. The United States are sufficiently 
powerful to afford every security, consistent with their 
rights and your expectations. I tender you the in- 
valuable blessing of civil, political and religious lib- 
erty, and their necessary result, individual and gen- 
eral prosperity ; that liberty which gave decision to 
our councils, and energy to our conduct in a struggle 
for independence, which conducted us safely and 
triumphantly through the stormy period of the revo- 
lution — that liberty which has raised us to an elevated 
rank among the nations of the world ; and which af- 
forded us a greater measure of peace and security, 
of wealth and improvement, than ever fell to the lot 
of any people. In the name of my country, and the 
authority of government, I promise you protection to- 
your persons, property and rights; remain at your 
homes ; pursue your peaceful and customary avoca- 
tions; raise not vour hands against your brethren. 
Many of your fathers fought for the freedom and in- 
dependence we now enjoy. Being children therefore 
of the same family with us, and heirs to the same 
heritage, the arrival of an army of friends must be 
hailed by you with a cordial welcome. — You will be 
emancipated from tyranny and oppression, and re- 
stored to the dignified station of freedom. — Had I 
any doubt of eventual success, I might ask your as- 
sistance, but I do not. 1 come prepared for every 
contingency — 1 have a force which will break down 
all opposition, and that force is but the van-guard of a 
much greater.— If, contrary to your own interest and the 
just expectations of my country, you should take part 
ill the approaching contest, you will be considered and 
treated as enemies, and the horrors and calamities of 
war will stalk before vou. If the barbarous and sav- 
ag-e policy of Great-Britain be pursued, and the sava- 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. Vofr 

• gesare let loose to murder our citizens and butcher 
our women and children, this war will be a war of 
extermination. The first stroke of the tomahawk — 
the first attempt with the scalping- knife, will be the 
signal of one indiscriminate scene of desolation. No 
white man found fighting' by the side of an Indian 
will be taken prisoner — instant death will be his lot. 
If the dictates of reason, duty, justice, and humanity, 
cannot prevent the employment of a force which re- 
spects no rights, and knows no wrong, it will be pre- 
vented by a severe and relentless system of retaliation. 
I doubt not your courage and firmness — I will not 
doubt your attachment to liberty. If you tender 
your services voluntarily, they will be accepted read- 
ily. The United States offer you peace, liberty, and 
security. Your choice lies between these and war, 
slavery and destruction. — Choose then ; but choose 
wisely ; and may He who knows the justice of our 
cause, and who holds in his hand the fate of nations, 
guide you to a result the most compatible with your 
rights and interests, your peace and happiness. 
By the General, 

A. P. HULL, 
Captain of the ISth United States' regiment of In- 
fantry, and Aid-de-camp. 
Head-quarters, Sandwich, July 12, 1812. 

WILLIAM HULL. 

On the 10th of July, Colonels Cass and Miller, at- 
tempted to surprise a British post, 300 strong*, at a 
bridge about five miles from Maiden. — They were 
discovered by the British, and after a slight skirmish, 
the British retreated, leaving eleven men killed and 
wounded, on the field ; our troops returned to head- 
quarters, at Sandwich, and the British re-posted them- 
selves again, at the bridge. On the 19th and 24th 
there was considerable skirmishing, with trifling suc- 
cess, on either side — our loss was six men killed and 
wounded — the British and Indians, lost sixteen killed, 
and several wounded 



136 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 

Soon after General Hull had crossed from Detroit* 
into Canada, and had issued his Proclamation, the 
greater part of the Militia of the neighboring* country 
gave themselves up to his protection, or returned 
home peaceably, resolving to stand neutral, in the 
contest. — Large bodies of the Savage tribes offered 
their services to Gen. Hull, previous to his leaving 
Detroit, but he informed them that he was not autho- 
rised to accept them, and wished them to remain si- 
lent spectators, and not engage on either side ; but 

this was not their choice they immediately 

crossed over to Maiden, where they were accepted, 
and put into service by the British ; which circum- 
stance contributed largely to overthrow Gen. Hull, 
as will be seen by his official account of the surrender 
of Detroit and Michigan Territory, which we give 
at full length, with the remonstrance against his con- 
duct, of several officers under his command. 



Capt. Hull's Letter to the Secretary or 
the Navy. 

United States Frigate Constitution,} 
off Boston Light, Aug. 30, 1812. ) 

SIR— I have the honor to inform you, that on the 10th 
instant, at 2 p. m. being in latitude 41, 42, longitude 
55, 48, with the Constitution, under my command, a 
sail was discovered from the mast-head bearing E. by 
S. or E. S. E. but at such a distance we could not 
tell what she was. All sail was instantly made in 
chase, and soon found we came up with her. At 3 
p. M. could plainly see that she was a ship on the star- 
board tack, under easy sail, close on a wind ; at half 
past 3 p. m. made her out to be a Frigate ; continued 
the chase until we were within about three miles, when 
I ordered the light sails taken in, the courses hauled 
up, and the ship cleared for action. At this time the 
chase had backed his main-topsail, waiting for us to 
come down. As soon as the Constitution was ready 
for action. T bore down with an intention to bring him 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 137 

to close action immediately ; but on our coming- within 
gun-shot she gave us a broadside, and filed away, and 
wore, giving" us a broadside on the other tack, but 
without effect ; her shot falling short. She continued 
wearing and manoeuvring for about three quarters of 
an hour, to get a raking position, but tiuding she 
could not, she bore up, and run under her top-sails 
and gib, with the wind on the quarter. Immediately 
made sail to bring the ship up with her, and 5 min- 
utes before six, P. M. being along side within half pis- 
tol shot, we commenced a heavy fire from all our 
guns, double shotted with round and grape, and so 
well directed were they, and so warmly kept up, that 
in 15 minutes his mizen-mast went by the board and 
his main-yard id the slings, and the hull, rigging, and 
sads, very much torn to pieces. The fire was kept up 
with equal warmth for 15 minutes longer, when his 
main-mast and foremast went, taking with them every 
spar, excepting the bowsprit : on seeing this we ceas- 
ed firing, so that in 30 minutes after we got fairly along- 
side the enemy, she surrendered, and had not a spar 
standing, and her hull, below and above water, so 
shattered, that a few more broadsides must have car- 
ried her down. 

After informing you that so fine a ship as the Gur- 
riere, commanded by an able and experienced officer,, 
had been totally dismasted, and otherwise cut to pie- 
ces, so as to make her not worth towing into port, in 
the short space of 30 minutes, you can have no doubt 
of the gallantry and good conduct of the officers and 
ship's company I have the honor to command ; it only 
remains, therefore, for me to assure you, that they all 
fought with great bravery ; and it gives me great 
pleasure to say, that from the smallest boy in the ship 
to the oldest seaman, not a look of tear was seen. They 
ail went into action, giving three cheers and request- 
ing to be laid close along side the enemy. 

Enclosed I have the honor to send you a list of kil- 
led and wounded on board the Constitution, and a 
report of the damages she has sustained; also a list 
18 



138 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

of the killed and wounded on board the enemy, with 
his quarter bill, See. 

I have the honor to be, with very great respect, sir, 
your obedient servant, 

ISAAC HULL. 
To the lion. Paul Hamilton, fyc. 

Return of Killed and Wounded on board the V. S. 
Frigate CO.SSIITUTION. 

Killed. Seven. 
Wounded. Seven. 
Total killed and wounded Fourteen. 
List of Killed, Mounded, and missing, on board the 
GUEhKJERE. 
Killed. Fifteen. 
Wounded. Sixty-two. 
Missing. Twenty-four.* 
Total killed, wounded, and missing 1 , 101. 



ORDERS IN COUNCIL REVOKED. 

At the Court at Carlton House, the 23d day of 
June, present, his Royal Highness, the Prince Re- 
gent in Council. 

Whereas his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent 
was pleased to declare, in the name and on behalf of 
his Majesty, on the 21st of April, 1812, ' That if at 
any time hereafter, the Berlin and Milan Decrees 
shall by some authentic act of the French government, 
publicly promulgated, be absolutely and uncondition- 
ally repealed, then, and from thence, the Order in 
Council of the 7th of January, 1807, and the Order 
in Council of the 26th of April, 1809, shall without 
any further order, be, and the same are hereby declar- 
ed from thenceforth to be wholly and absolutely re- 
voked.' 

* Supposed to have gone overboard with the masli*.. 



HISTORY OF Till; WAR. 139 

And whereas the charge d 'affairs of the United 
States of America, resident at tins Court, did, on the 
21st day of May last, transmit to lord viscount Casile- 
reagh, one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries, a 
copy of a certain instrument* then for the first lime 
communicated to this Court, purporting to be a De- 
cree passed by the government of Fiance, on the 28th 
day of April, 1811, by which the Decrees of Berlin 
and Milan are declared to be .definitely no longer in 
force in regard to American vessels : 

And whereas Ins Royal Highness, the Prince Re- 
gent, although he cannot consider the tenor of said 
instrument as satisfying the conditions set forth in the 
said Order of the 21st of April last, upon which the 
said Orders were to cease and determine, is neverthe- 
less disposed, on his part, to take such measures as 
may tend to re-establish the intercourse between neu- 
tral and belligerent nations, upon its accustomed prin- 
ciples, his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent, in the 
name and on the behalf of his Majesty, is therefore 
pleased, by and with the advice of his Majesty's privy 
council, to order and declare, and it is hereby order- 
ed and declared, that the Order in Council bearing 
date the 7th day oi January, 1807, and the Order iu 
Council bearing date t,.e 26th day of April, 1809, be 
revoked, so far as may regard American vessels and 
their cargoes, being American property, from the 1st 
dav of August next. 

But whereas by certain acts of the government of 
the United States of America, all British armed ves- 
sels are excluded from the harbors and waters of the 
said United States, the armed vessels of France being 
permitted to enter therein, and the commercial inter- 
course between Great-Britain and the said United 
States is interdicted, the commercial intercourse be- 
tween France and the sa*d United States having been 
restored: his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent is 
pleased hereby further to declare, in the name and on 
the behalf of his Majesty, that if the govenment of 
the said United States shall not as soon as may be > 



140 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

after this order shall have been duly notified by his 
Majesty's ministerin Amtricato the said government, 
revoke or cause to be revoked the said acts, this pre- 
sent Order shall, in that case, after clear notice signi- 
fied by his Majesty's minister in America, to the said 
government, be thenceforth null and of no effect. 

It is further ordered and declared, that all Amer- 
ican vessels and their cargoes, being American prop- 
erty, that shall have been captured subsequently to 
the 28th of May last, for a breach of the aforesaid 
Orders in Council alone, and which shall not hare 
been actually condemned before the date of this Ol- 
der, and that all ships and cargoes as aforesaid, that 
shall henceforth be captured under the said Orders, 
prior to the 1st day of August next, shall not be pro* 
ceeded against to condemnation, until further orders, 
but shall, in the event of this Order no! becoming null 
and of no eftect, in the case aforesaid, be forthwith 
liberated and restored, subject to such reasonable ex- 
pen ces on the part of the captors, as shall have been 
justly incurred. 

Provided that nothing in the Order contained re- 
specting the revocation of the Orders herein mention- 
ed, shall betaken to revive wholly, or in part, the 
Orders in Council of the I lth of November, 1807, or 
any other Order not herein mentioned, or to deprive 
parties of any legal remedy to which they may he en- 
titled, under the Order in Council, of the 21st of 
April, 1812. 

His Royal Highness, the Prince Regent is hereby 
pleased further to declare, in the name and on the be- 
half of his Majesty, that nothing in the present Order 
contained shall be understood to preclude his Royal 
Highness, the Prince Regent, if circumstances shall 
so require, from restoring after reasonable notice, the 
Orders of the 7th of January, 1807, and the 20th of 
April, 1809, or any part thereof, to their full effect, or 
from taking such other measures of retaliation against 
the enemy, as may appear to bis Royal Highness to 
be just and necessary. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 141 

Arid the right honorable the lords commissioners 
of his Majesty's treasury, his Majesty's principal Se- 
cretaries of state, the lords commissioners of the Ad- 
miralty, and the Judge of the high Court of A dm ralty, 
and the Judge of the Conrt of Vice- Admiralty, are to 
take the necessary measures herein, as to them may 
respectively appertain. 



GEN. HULLS OFFICIAL STATEMENT 
OF HIS SURRENDER. 

Montreal, 8th Sept. 1812. 

SIR — The inclosed dispatch was prepared on my 
arrival at Fort George, and it was my intention to 
have forwarded it from that place by Major Witherell, 
of the Michigan volunteers. I made application to 
the commanding officer at that post, and was refused; 
he stating that he was not authorised, and Gen. Brock 
was then at York. We were immediately emharked 
for this place, and Major Witherell obtained liberty 
at Kingston to go home on parole. 

This is the first opportunity I have had to forward 
the dispatches. 

The fourth United Slates* regiment is destined for 
Quebec, with a part of the first. The whole consist 
of a little over three hundred. 

Sir George Prevost, without any request on my 
part, has offered to take my parole, and permit me to 
proceed to the States. 

Lieut. Anderson, of the eighth regiment, is the 
bearer of my dispatches. He was formerly a Lieut, 
in the Artillery, and resigned his commission on ac- 
count of being appointed Marshal of the Territory of 
Michigan. During the campaign he has had a com- 
mand in the Artillery ; and I recommend him to you 
as a valuable officer. 

He is particularly acquainted with the state of 
things previous, and at the time when the capitulation 
took place. He will be able to give you correct in- 



142 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

formation on any poiilts, about which you may think 
proper to enquire. 

I am, very respectfully, 

Your most obedient servant, 
WILLIAM HULL. 
H071. W. Eustis, Secretary of the Department of War. 

THE DISPATCH. 

Fort George, August 26, 1812. 
SIR — Inclosed are the articles of capitulation, by 
which the Fort of Detroit has been surrendered to 
Major-General Brock, commanding- his Britannic 
Majesty's forces in Upper Canada, and by which 
the troops have become prisoners of war. My situa- 
tion at present forbids me from detailing' the particu- 
lar causes which have led to this unlortunate event. 
I will, however, generally observe, that after the sur- 
render of Michihmackinac, almost every tribe and 
nation of Indians, excepting a part ot the Miamies and 
Delawares, north from beyond Lake Superior, west 
from bevond the Mississippi, south from the Ohio and 
Wabash, and east lrom every part of Upper Canada, 
and from all the intermediate country, joined in open 
hostility under the British standard, against ihe army 
I commanded, contrary to the most solemn assuran- 
ces of a large portion of them to remain neutral ; 
even the Ottawa Chiefs from Arbecrotch, who form- 
ed the delegation to Washington the last summer, in 
whose friendship I know you had great confidence, 
are among the hostile tribes, and several of them dis- 
tinguished leaders. Among the vast number of chiefs 
who led the hostile bands, Tecumseh, Marplot, Lo- 
ffan, Walk-in-the-water, Split-Log, &c. are consider- 
ed the principals. This numerous assemblage of 
savages, under the entire influence and direction of 
the British commander, enabled him totally to ob- 
struct the only communication which I had with my 
country. This communication had been opened 
from the settlements in the stale of Ohio, two hun- 
dred miles through a wilderness, by the fatigues of 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 143 

the army, which I marched to the frontier on the ri- 
ver Detroit. The body of the Lake being command- 
ed by the British armed ships, and the shores and ri- 
vers by gun-boats, the army was totally deprived of all 
communication by water. On this extensive road it 
depended for transportation of provisions, military 
stores, medicine, clothing', and every other supply, on 
pack-horses — all its operations were successful until 
its arrival at Detroit, — in a lew days it passed into 
the enemy's country, and all opposition seemed to fall 
before it. One month it remained in possession of this 
country, and was fed from its resources. In different 
directions detachments penetrated sixty miles in the 
settled part of the province, and the inhabitants seem- 
ed satisfied with the change of situation, which ap- 
peared to be taking place the militia from Amherst- 
burg were daily deserting, and the whole country, 
then under the control of the army, was asking for 
protection. The Indians generally, in the first in- 
stance, appeared to be neutralized, and determined 
to take no part in the contest. The fort of Amherst- 
burg was eighteen miles below my encampment. 
Not a single cannon or mortar was on wheels suita- 
ble to carry before that place. I consulted my offi- 
cers, whether it was expedient to make an attempt 
on it with the bayonet alone, without cannon to make 
a breach in the first instance. The council I called 
was ot the opinion it was not — The greatest industry 
was exerted in making preparation, and it was not 
until the 7th of August, that two 24-pounders and 
three hoyvitzers were prepared. It was then my in- 
tention to have proceeded on the enterprise. YVhile 
the operations of the army mere delayed by these 
preparations, the cloudsof adversity had been for some 
time and seemed still thickly to be gathering around 
me. The surrender of Michiiimackinac opened the 
northern hive of Indians, and they were swarming 
down in every direction. Reinforcements from Nia- 
gara had arrived at Aniheislbiu^ under the command 
ofColonel Proctor. The desertion of the militia ceas- 



144 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

ed. Besides the reinforcements that came by water, 
I received information ofa very considerable force un- 
der the command ot Major Chambers, on the river 
Le French, with four field-pieces, and collecting the 
militia on his route, evidently destined far Amherst- 
burg ; and in addition to this combination, and in- 
crease of force contrary to all my expectations, the 
Wyandots, Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawatamies, 
Munsees, Delawares, Sec. with whom I had the most 
friendly intercourse, at once passed over to Amherst- 
burg, and accepted the tomahawk and scalping* knife. 
There being now a vastnnmberof Indians at the British 
post, they were sent to the river Huron, Biownstown, 
and Magnago to intercept my communication. To 
open this communication, I detached Maj. Vanhorne 
of the Ohio volunteers with two hundred men to pro- 
ceed as far as the river Raisin, under an expectation 
he would meet Capt. Brush with one hundred and 
fifty men, volunteers from the state of Ohio, and a 
quantity of provision for the army. An ambuscade 
was formed at Brow nstown, and Maj. Vanhorn's de- 
tachment defeated and returned to camp without effect- 
ing the object of the expedition. 

In my letter of the 7th inst. you have the particu- 
lars of that transaction, with a return of the killed and 
wounded. Under this sudden and unexpected 
change of things, and having received an express from 
General Hall, commanding opposite the British shore 
on the Niagara river, by which it appeared that there 
was no prospect of any co-operation from that quar- 
ter, and the two senior officers of the artillery having- 
stated to me an opinion that it would be extremely 
difficult, if not impossible, to pass the Turkey river 
and river Aux-Cannard, with the 24-pounders, and 
that they could not be transported by water, as the 
Queen-Char iotte which carried eighteen 24-pounders, 
lay in the river Detroit above the mouth of the river 
Aux-Cannard ; and as it appeared indispensibly ne- 
cessary to open the communication to the river Raisin 
and the Miami, I found myself compelled to suspend 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 145 

the operation against Amherslburg-, and concentrate 
the main force of the ami)' at Detroit. Fully intend- 
ing, at that time, after the communication was opened, 
to re-cross the river, and pursue the object at Am- 
herstburg, and strongly desirous of continuing- pro- 
tection to a very large number of the inhabitants of 
Upper Canada, who had voluntarily accepted it un- 
der my proclamation, I established a fortress on the 
banks of the river, a little below Detroit, calculated 
for a garrison of three hundred men. On the evening- 
o. the 7th, and morning- of the 8th inst. the army, ex- 
cepting the garrison of 250 infantry, and a corps of 
artillerists, all under the command of Major Den- 
ny of the Ohio volunteers, re-crossed the river, and 
encamped at Detroit. In pursuance of the object of 
opening- the communication, on which I considered, 
the existence of the army depending-, a detachment of 
six hundred men, under the command of lieut. Colonel 
Miller was immediately ordered. For a particular 
account of the proceedings of this detachment, and 
the memorable battle which was fought at Maguago, 
■which reflects the hig-hest honor on the American 
arms, I refer you to my letter of the 13th of August, 
a duplicate of which is enclosed, in this. .Noth- 
ing- however but honor was acquired by this victory; 
and it is a painful consideration, that the blood of 
seventy-tive gallant men could only open the commu- 
nication as far as the points of their bayonets extend- 
ed. The necessary care of the sick and wounded, 
and a very severe storm of rain, rendered their return 
to camp indispensably necessary for their own com- 
fort. Captain Brush, with his small detachment, and 
the provisions, being- still at the river Raisin, and in a 
situation to be destroyed by the savages, on the 13th 
inst. in the evening, 1 permitted Colonels M' Arthur 
and Cass to select from their regiment four hundred 
of their most effective men, and proceed an upper 
route through the woods, which I had sent an express 
to Capt. Brush to take, and had directed the militia 
of the river Raisin to accompany him as a reinforce* 
19 



140 HISTOUY OF THE WAR. 

ment. The force of the enemy continually increase 
ing, and the necessity of opening the communication., 
and acting on the defensive, becoming more appar- 
ent, 1 had, previous to detaching Colonels IVl' Arthur 
and Cass, on the 11th inst. evacuated and destroy ed 
the tort on the opposite bank. On the 13th, in the 
evening, Gen. Brock arrived at Amherstburg about 
the hour Colonels M' Arthur and Cass marched, of 
which at that time I had received no information. 
On the 15lh, I received a summons from him to sur- 
render fort Detroit, ot which 1 here Willi enclose yon 
a copy, together with my answer. At this time I 
had received no inlormi.tion Iron Cols. JYTArthur and 
Cass. An express was immediately sent, strongly 
escorted, with orders for them to return. 

On the 15th, as soon as General Brock received 
my letter, his batteries opened on the town and fort, 
and co, tmued r.ntil evening. In the e\ening all the 
British Ships of war came nearly as far up the river 
as Sandwich, three miles below Detroit. At day- 
light on the 16th, (at which time 1 had received no 
information bom Cols. M' Arthur and Cass, my ex- 
presses sent the evening beiore, and in the night, hav- 
ing been prevented from passing by numerous todies 
of Indians) the cannonade recommenced, and in a 
short time I received information, that the British ar- 
my and Indians, were landing below the Spring wells, 
under the con er of their Ships of war. At this time 
the whole effective force at my disposal at Detroit did 
not exceed eight hundred men. Being new troops 
and unaccustomed to a camp life; having perform- 
ed a laborious inarch ; having been in a number of 
battles and skirmishes, in which many had fallen, and 
more had received wounds, in addition to which a 
large number being sick, and unprovided with medi- 
cine, and the comforts necessary for their situation; 
are the general causes by which the strength of the 
' army was thusl reduced. The fort at this time was 
tilled with women, children, and the old and decrepit 
people of the town and country ; they were unsafe in* 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 1 17 

Jbhe town, as it was entirely open and exposed to the 
enemy's batteries. Back of' the tort, above or below 
it, th-re was no safety for them on account of the In- 
dians. In the first, instance, the enemy's tire vvas prin- 
cipally directed against our batteries; towards the 
close, it was directed against the fort alone, and al- 
most every shot and shell had their effect. 

I now became necessary either to light the enemy in 
the Held ; collect the whole force in the fort ; or pro- 
pose 1 terms of capitulation. I could not have carried 
into the field more th in six hundred men, and left any 
adequate force in the fort. There were landed at 
tha'. time of the enemy a regular force of much more 
than th it number] and twice that number of Indians. 
Co isuierm^ tins great inequality of force, I did not 
think it expedient to adopt the first measure. The 
second must have been attended with a gre.it sacri- 
fice of blood, and no possible advantage, because the 
contest could not have been sustained more than a day 
for the want of powder, and but a very few days tor 
the want of provisions, [n addition to this, Cols. 
M' Arthur and Cass would have been in a most haz- 
ardous situation. I feared nothing but the la-it altern- 
ative. I have dared to adopt it — I well know the 
high responsibility of the measure, and I take the 
whole of it on myself. It was dictated by a sense of 
duty, and a full conviction of its expediency. The 
bands of savages which had then joined the British 
force, were numerous beyond any former exam pie 
Their numbers have since increased, and the history 
of the barbarians of the north of Europe does not 
furnish examples of more greedy violence than these 
savages have exhibited. A large portion of the brave 
and gallant officers and. men I commanded would 
cheerfully have contested until the last cartridge had 
been expended, and the bayonets worn to the sockets. 
1 could not consent to the useless sacrifice of such 
brave men, when I k tew it was impossible for me to 
sustain my situation. It w.is impossible in the nature 
pf things that an army could have been furnished with 



148 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

the necessary supplies of provision, piilitary stores, 
clothing, and comforts for the sick, on pack horses, 
through a wilderness of two hundred miles, filled with 
hostile savages. Il was impossihle, sir, that this lit* 
tie army, worn down by fatigue, by sickness, by 
•wounds, and deaths, could have supported itself not 
only against the collected force of all the northern 
nations of Indians, but against the united strength of 
Upper Canada, whose population consists of more 
than twenty times the number contained in the terri- 
tory of Michigan, aided by the principal part of the 
regular forces of the province, and the wealth and in- 
fluence of the North-West, and other trading estab- 
lishments among the Indians, "which have in their 
employment, and under their entire control, more 
than two thousand white men. 

Before I close this dispatch it is a duty I owe my 
respectable associates in command, Cols. M'Arthui\ 
Fmdley, Cass, and Lieut. Col. Miller, to express my 
obligations to them for the prompt and judicious 
manner in which they have performed their respec- 
tive duties. If aught has taken place during the cam- 
paign which is honorable to the army, these officers 
are entitled to a large share of it. If the last act 
should be disapproved, no part of the censure belongs 
to them. I have likewise to express my obligation 
to General Taylor, who has performed the duty of 
quai ter-master-General, for his great exertions in pro- 
curing every thing in his department which it was 
possible io furnish lor the covenience of the army; 
likewise to brigade-major Jessup for the correct and 
punctual manner in which he has discharged his du- 
ty ; and to the army generally for their exertion, and 
the zeal they have manifested for the public interest. 
The death of Dr. Foster, soon after he arrived at 
Detroit, was a severe misfortune to the army ; it was 
increased by the capture of the Ciiachaga packet, by 
which the medicine and hospital stores were lost. 
He was commencing the best arrangements in the de- 
partment of which he was the principal, with the very 



HISTORY OF TH-E WAR. 140 

small menus which he possessed. I was likewise 
leprived of the necessary services of Capt. Partridge, 
>y sickness, the only officer of the corps of engineers 
ittached to the army. All the officers and men have 
^one to their respective homes, excepting the 4th 
United States' regiment, and a small part of the first, 
md Capt. Dyson's company of artillery. Capt. Dy- 
;on's company was left at Amherstburg, and the oth- 
ers are with me prisoners — they amount to about 340. 
[ have only to solicit an investigation of my conduct, 
is early as my situation, and the state of things will 
tdinit ; and to add the further request, that the gov- 
ernment will not be unmindful of my associates in 
captivity, and of the families of those brave men who 
lave fallen in the contest. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your most 
»bedient servant. W. HULL, Brig. Gen. 

Hon. W. Eustis, Secretary of War. 

[enclosed in the preceding dispatch.] 
Sandwich, 7th August, 1812. 
SIR— On the 4th inst. Maj. Vanhorn, of Col. Fmdley's 
■egiment of Ohio volunteers, was detached from this 
irmy, with the command of 200 men, principally rifle- 
nen, to proceed to the river Raisin, and further, if ne- 
cessary, to meet and reinforce Capt. Brush, of the 
itate of Ohio, commanding a company of volunteers, 
tnd escorting provisions for this army. At Brovvns- 
own a large body of Indians had formed an ambus- 
cade, and the Major's detachment received a heavy 
ire, at the distance of fifty yards from the enemy, 
rhe whole detachment retreated in disorder. Major 
V\n Horn made every exertion to form, and prevent, 
he retreat, that was possible for a brave and gallant 
>ffiGer, but without success. By the return of killed 
md wounded, it will be perceived that the loss of offi- 
cers was uncommonly great. Their efforts to rally 
heir companies was the occasion of it. 
I am, very respectfully, yours, &c. 

WILLIAM HULL. 

Hon, Wm. Eustis, §c. 



150 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

KILLED, in Major Van Horn's defeat — 4 Captains, 
— 1 Lieutenant — 2 Ensigns — 10 privates. — ^Total 17. 

[enclosed in the preceding dispatch.] 
Detroit, 13th August. 1812. 
SIR, 

The main body of the army having re-crossed the 
river at Detroit, on the night and morning of the 8th 
inst; six hun Ired men W3re immediately detached 
under the command of Lieut. Col. vliller, to open 
the communication to the river Raisin, and orotect 
the provisions, which were under the escort of Ciot. 
Brush. This detachment consisted of the 4th Unit- 
ed States' regiment, and two small detachments un- 
der the command of Lieut. Stansbury and Ensign Mc 
Labe of the 1st regiment ; detachments from the Ohio 
and Michigan volunteers, a corps of artillerists, with 
one six-pounder and an howitzer under th^ command 
of Lieut. Eastman, and a part of Captains Smith and 
Sioau's Cavalry com nanded by Captain Sloan of the 
Ohio volunteers. Lieut. Col. Miller marched from 
Detroit on the afternoon of the 8th instant, and on the 
9lh, about four o'clock, P. at, the van guard, com- 
manded by Capt. Snelling of die 4th United States' 
regiment, was tired on by an extensive line of British 
troops and Indians at the lower part of the Maguago 
about fourteen miles from Detroit. At this time the 
main body was marching in two columns, and Capt. 
Snelling in untamed his position in a most gallant 
manner, under a very heavy tire, until the line was 
formed and advanced to the ground he occupied, when 
the whole, excepting tire rear guard, was brought into 
action. The enemy were formed behind a tempora- 
ry breast work of logs, the Indians extending in a 
thick wood on their left. Lieut. Colonel Miller or- 
dered his whole line to advance, and when within a 
small distance of the enemy made a general discharge, 
and proceeded with charged bayonets, when the Brit- 
ish line and Indians commenced a retreat. They 
were pursued in a most vigorous manner about two 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 151 

miles, and the pursuit discontinued only on account 
or the fatigue of the troops, the approach of eve- 
ning, and the necessity of returning to take care of the 
wounded. The judicious arrangements made by 
Lieut Col. Miller, and the gallant manner in which 
they were executed, justly entitle him to the highest 
honor. From the moment the line commenced the 
fi.e, it continually moved on, and the enemy main- 
tained their position until forced at the point of the 
bayonet. The Indians on the lelt commanded by 
Tecumseh, fought with great obstinacy, but were con- 
tinually forced and compelled to retreat. The victory 
was complete in every part ot the line, and the suc- 
cess would have been more brilliant had the cavalry 
charged the enemy on the retreat, when a most favor- 
able opportunity presented. Although orders were 
given for the purpose, unfortunately they were not 
executed. Majors Van Horn and Morrison, of the 
Ohio volunteers, were associated with Lieut. Colonel 
Miller, as field officers in this command, and were 
highly distinguished by their exertions in forming the 
line, and the firm and intripid manner they led their 
respective commands to action. 

Captain Baker, of the 1st United States regiment, 
Capt. Brevort of the 2d, and Capt. Hull of the 13th, 
my aid-de-camp, and Lieut. Whistler of the 1st. re- 
quested permission to join the detachment as volun- 
teers. Lieut. Col. Miller assigned commands to 
Capt. Baker and Lieut. Whistler ; and Capts. Bre- 
vort and Hull at his request, attended his person mid 
aided him in the general arrangements. Lieut. Col. 
Miller has mentioned the conduct of these office, s in 
terms of high approbation. In addition to the Cap- 
tains who have been named, Lieut. Col. Miller has 
mentioned .Captains Burton and Fuller, of the 4th 
regiment, Captains Saunders and Brown of the Ohio 
volunteers, and Capt. Delandreof the Michigan volun- 
teers, who were attached to his command — and dis- 
tinguished by their valor. It is impossible for me, in 



152 HISTORY OF THE WAE. 

this communication, to do justice to the officers and 
soldiers, who gained the Victory which I have descri- 
bed. They have acquired high honor to themselves 
and are justly entitled to the gratitudeof their country. 

Major Muir, of the.41.st regiment, commanded the 
British in this action. Th« regulars and volunteers 
consisted of about four hundred, and a large number 
of Indians. Major IVJuir and two subalterns were 
wounded, one of them since dead. About forty In- 
dians Mere founfl dead on the held? and Tecumseh, 
their leader was slightly~w6unded. The number of 
wounded Indians who escaped has not been ascertain- 
ed. Four of Major Muir'sdetachmenthave been made 
prisoners, and fifteen of the 41st regiment killed and 
wounded. The militia and volunteers attached to his 
command were in the severest part of the action, and 
their loss must have been great — it has not yet been 
ascertained. 

I have the honor to be, your most obedient servant, 
WILLIAM HULL, Brig. Geiu 

JElon. William Eustis, Secretary of War. 



Return of. Hie killed and wounded in the action fuvgJd 
near Magaago, August 9th, 1812. 

■ 

4th U. S, regiment — 10 non-commissioned officers 
andprivates killed, and 45 wounded : Capt. Baker of 
the 1st regiment of infantry ; Lieut. Larabee ot the 
4th; Lieut. Peters of the 41 h ', Ensign Whistler of 
the 17th, doing duty in the 4th ; Lieut. Silly, and an 
Ensign, whose name has not been relumed lo me 
were wounded. 

In the Ohio and Michigan volunteers, 8 were killed 
and 12 wounded. 

WILLIAM HULL 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 153 

GENERAL ORDERS. 

Head- Quarters at Detroit, Aug. 16, 1812. 

It is with pain and anxiety that Brigadier General 
Hull announces to the North- Western army, that he 
has been compelled from a sense of duty, to agree to 
the following articles of capitulationc 

CAPITULATION. 

Camp Detroit, Aug. 16, 1812. 

Capitulation of surrendering' fort Detroit, entered 
into between Major-General Brock, commanding his 
Britannic Majesty's forces, of the one part, and Brig. 
General Hull, commanding the North- Western army 
of the United States, of the other part : 

Article 1st. Fort Detroit, with all the troops, reg- 
ulars as well as militia, will be immediately surren- 
dered to the British forces under the command of 
Major-General Brock, and will be considered as 
prisoners of war, with the exception of such of the 
militia of the Michigan territory, who have not join- 
ed the army. 

Article 2d. All public stores, arms, and public 
documents, including every thing else of a public na- 
ture, will be immediately given up. 

Article 3d. Private persons and private property 
of every description will be respected. 

Article 4th. His excellency Brig. General Hull, 
having expressed a desire that a detachment from the 
state of Ohio, on its way to join the army, as well as 
one sent from fort Detroit, under the command of 
Col. M' Arthur, should be included in the above stip- 
ulation, it is accordingly agreed to. It is, however^ 
to be understood, that such parts of the Ohio militia 
as have not joined the army, will be permitted to re- 
turn home on condition that they will not serve during 
the war — their arms, however, will be delivered up 
if belonging to the public, 
20 



J 64 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 

Article 5th. The garrison will march out at the 
hour of 12 o'clock this day, and the British force?; 
will take immediate possession of the fort. 

J. M'DOWEL, Lt. Col. Militia B. A. D. C. 
f. B. GREGG, Major A. D.C. 
(Approved) WILLIAM HULL, Brig. Gen. 
JAMES MILLER, Lt. Col. 5th U. S. Infantry, 
L. BRUSH, Col. 1st Reg. Michigan. Militia. 

(Approved) ISAAC BROCK, Maj. Gen. 

The army at 12 o'clock this day will march out of 
the east gate, where they will stack their arms, and 
will be then subject to the articles of capitulation, 
WILLIAM HULL, Brig. Gen. 



Letter from Col. Cass of the army late under the com- 
mand of Brig. Gen. Wm. Hull, to the Secretary 
of War. 

Washington, Sept. 10, 1812. 
SIR — Having been ordered on to this place by 
Col. M' Arthur, for the purpose of communicating to 
the government particulars respecting the expedition 
lately commanded by Brig. General Hull, and its 
disastrous result, as might en-bie them correctly to 
appreciate the conduct of the officers and men ; and to 
develope the causes which produced so foul a stain 
upon the national character, I have the honor to sub- 
mit for your consideration, the following statement. 

When the forces landed in Canada, they landed 
with an ardent zeal and stimulated with the hope of 
conquest. No enemy appeared within view of us, 
and had an immediate and vigorous attack been made 
upon Maiden, it Mould doubtless have fallen an easy 
■victory. I know General Hull afterwards declared 
he regretted this attack had not been made, and he 
had every reason to believe success would have crown- 
ed his efforts. The reason given for delaying our 
operations was to mount our heavy cannon, and Jto 
afford to the Canadian militia time and opportunity to 
quit an obnoxious service. In the course of two 
weeks the number of their militia, who were embodi-r 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. i '- 

ed, had decreased by desertion from six hundred to 
one humlred men ; and, in the course of three weeks, 
the cannon were mounted, the ammunition fixed, and 
every preparation made for an immediate investment 
of the fort. At a council, at which were present all 
the field officers, and which was held two da\s before 
our preparations were completed, it was unanimously 
agreed to make an immediate attempt, to accomplish 
the object of the expedition. If by waiting two days 
we could Ityve the service of our heavy artillery, it 
was agreed to wait ; if not, it was determined to go 
without it, and attempt the place by storm. This 
opinion appeared to correspond with the views of the 
General, and the day was appointed for commencing 
our march. He declared to me, that he considered 
himself pledged to lead the army to Maiden. The 
ammunition was placed in the waggons ; the cannon 
embarked on board the floating batteries, and every re- 
quisite article was prepared. The spirit and zeal, the 
ardor and animation displayed by the officers and men, 
on learning the near accomplishment of their wishes, 
was a sure and sacred pledge, that in the hour of trial 
they would notbe found wanting in their duty to their 
country and themselves. But a change of measures, 
in opposition to the wishes and opinions of all the offi- 
cers, was adopted by the General. The plan of at- 
tacking Maiden was abandoned, and instead of ac- 
ting offensively, we broke up our camp, evacuated 
Canada, and reerossed the river, in the night, without 
even the shadow of an enemy to injure us. We lett 
to the tender mercy of the enemy the miserable Can- 
adians who had joined us, and the protection we af- 
forded them was but a passport to veugeance. This 
fatal and unaccountable step dispirited the troops, and 
destroyed the little confidence which a series of timid* 
irresolute and indecisive measures had left in the com* 
mandingr officer. 

About the 10th of August, the enemy received a 
reinforcement of four hundred men. On the twelfth 
the commanding officers of three of the regiments* 



156 HISTORY OF THE WAB. 

(the fourth was absent) were informed through a me* 
dium which admitted of no doabt, that the General 
had stated that a capitulation would he necessary. 
They on the same day addressed to Governor Meigs, 
of Ohio, a letter, of which the following is an extract, 

* Believe all ike bearer will tell you. Helieve it, 

however it may astonish you, as much as if it had 

been told by one of us. Even a c n, 

is talked oj by the The bearer will 

fill the vacancy.' 

The doubtful fate of this letter rendered it necessa* 
ry to use circumspection m its details, and therefore 
these blanks were left. The word * capitulation* will 
iill the first, and s commanding general,' the other. 
As no enemy was near us, and as the superiority of 
our force was manifest, we could see no necessity for 
capitulating, nor any propriety in alluding to it. We 
therefore determined in the last resort to incur the re-? 
sponsibility of divesting the General of his command. 
This plan was eventually prevented by two of the 
commanding officers of regiments being ordered upon 
detachments. 

On the 13th the British took a position opposite to 
Detroit, and began to throw up works. During that 
and the two following days, they pursued their object 
without interruption and established a battery for two 
J 8 pounders and an 8 inch howitzer. About sun-set 
on the evening of the 14th a detachment of 350 men 
from the regiments commanded by Col. M' Arthur, 
and myself, was ordered to march to the river Raisin, 
to escort the provisions, which had sometime remain- 
ed there protected by a party under the command of 
capt. Brush. 

On Saturday, the 1 5th about 1 o'clock, a flag of 
truce arrived from Sandwich, bearing a summons 
from General Brock for the surrender of the town and 
fort ot Detroit, stating he could no longer restrain the 
fury oi the savages. To this an immediate and sp r- 
ited refusal was ret urned. About four o'clock li.eir 
batteries began to play upon the town. The tire \\ as 



IIISTOllV OF Tilt WAK. 157 

returned and continued without interruption and with 
little effect till dark. Their shells were thrown till 
eleven o'clock. 

At day-lightthe firing- on both sides recommenced ; 
about the same time the enemy began to land troops 
at the Spring wells, three miles below Detroit, pro- 
tected by two of their armed vessels. Between^) and 
7 o'clock they had effected their landing, and imme- 
diately took up their line of march. They moved in 
close column of platoons, twelve in front, upon the 
bank of the river. 

The fourth regiment was stationed in the fort ; the 
Ohio volunteers and a part of the Michigan militia, 
behind some pickets, in a situation in which the whole 
flank of the enemy would have been exposed. The 
residue of the Michigan militia were in the upper part 
of the town to resist the incursions of the savages. 
Two 24-pounders, loaded with grape shot, were post- 
ed on a commanding eminence, ready to sweep the 
advancing column. In this situation the superiority 
of our position was apparent, and' our. troops, in- the 
eager expectation of victory, awaited the approach of 
the enemy. Not a discontent broke upon the ear ; 
not a look of cowardice met the eye. Every man ex- 
pected a proud day for his country, and eachlwas 
anxious that his individual exertion should contribute 
to the general result. 

When the head of their column arrived within about 
five hundred yards of our line, orders were received 
from Gen. Hull for the whole to retreat to the fort, 
and for the 24-pounders not to open upon the enemy. 
One universal burst of indignation was apparent Upon 
the receipt of this order. Those, whose conviction 
was the deliberate result of a dispassionate examina- 
tionof passing events, saw the folly and impropriety of 
crowding 1100 men into a little work, which 300 men 
could fully man, and into which the shot and shells of 
the enemy were falling. The fort was in this manner 
filled ; the men were directed to stack their arms, and 
scarcely was an opportunity afforded of moving. 



158 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

Shortly after a white flag- was hang- out upon the wall* 
A British officer rode up to inquire the cause. A 
communication passed between the commading Gen> 
erals, which ended in the capitula tion submitted t« 
you. In entering into this capitulation, the Genera 
took counsel from his own feelingsonly. Not an ofti* 
cer was consulted. Not one anticipated a surrender, 
till he saw the white flag displayed. Even the wo. 
men were indignant at so shameful a degradation of 
the American character, and all felt as they should 
have felt, but he who held in his hands tiie reins of 
authority. 

Our morning report had that morning made our 
effective men present, fit for duty 1060, without inclu- 
ding the detachment before alluded to, and without 
including 300 of the Michigan militia on duty. 

About dark on Saturday evening the detachment 
sent to escort the provisions, received orders from Gen. 
Hull to return with as much expedition as possible. 
About ten o'clock the next day they arrived within 
sight of Detroit. Had a firing been heard, or any re- 
sistance visible, they would have immediately advanc- 
ed and attacked the rear of the enemy. The situa- 
tion in which this detachment was placed, although 
the result of accident, was the best for annoying the 
enemy and cutting off his retreat that could have been 
selected. With his raw troops enclosed between twa 
fires and no hopes of succor, it is hazarding little to 
say, that very few would have escaped. 

I have been informed by Col. Findley, who saw 
the return of their quarter- master-general the day after 
the surrender, that their whole force of every descrip- 
tion, white, red, and black, was 1030. They had 
twenty nine platoons, twelve in a platoon, of men dres- 
sed in uniform. Many of these were evidently Can- 
adian militia. The rest of the militia increased their 
white force to about seven hundred men. The num- 
ber of ther Indians could not be ascertained with any 
degree of precision ; not many were visible. And in 
the event of an attack upon the town and fort, it was a 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 159 

species of force which could have afforded no material 
advantage to the enemy. 

In endeavoring to appreciate the motives and to in- 
vestigate the causes, which led to an event so unex- 
pected and dishonorable, it is impossible to tind any 
solution inlhe relative strength ofthe contending parties, 
or in the measures of resistance hi our power. That 
we were far superior to the enemy ; that upon any 
ordinary principles of calculation we would have de- 
feated them, the wounded and indignant feelings of 
every man there will testify. 

A few days before the surrender, I was informed 
by Gen* Hull, we had 400 rounds of 24 pound shot fix- 
ed, and about 100,000 cartridges made. We surren- 
dered with the fort, 40 barrels of powder, and 2500 
stand of arms. 

The state of our provision has not been generally 
understood. On the day of the surrender we had fif- 
teen days' provisions of every kind on hand. Of 
meat there was plenty in the country, and arrange- 
ments had beeu made for purchasing grain and grind- 
ing it to flour, it was calculated we could readily 
procure three months' provisions, independent of 150 
barrels flour, and 1300 head of cattle, which had been 
forwarded from the state of Ohio, and which remained 
at the river Raisin, under Capt. Brush, within reach 
of the army. 

But had we been totally destitute of provisions, our 
duty and our interest undoubtedly was to fight. The 
enemy invited us to meet him in the field. 

By defeating him the whole country would have 
been open to us, and the object ot our expedition 
:»lonously and successfully obtained. If we had 
been defeated we had nothing to do but to retreat to 
the fort, and make the best defence which circum- 
stances and our situation rendered practicable. But 
basely to surrender, without tiring a <run — tamelv to 

1 ■ • 1 3 3 •/ 

submit, without raising a bayonet — disgracefully to 
pass in. review before an eiiemy, as inferior in the 
qualitv as in the number of his forces, were circum- 



160 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

Stances, which excited feelings of indignation mor« 
easily felt than described. To see the whole of our 
men Unshed with the hope of victory, eagerly await- 
ing the approaching contest, to see them afterwards 
dispirited, hopeless and desponding, at least 500 shed- 
ding tears, because they were not allowed to meet 
their country's foe, and to fight their country's battles, 
excited sensations, which no American has ever be- 
fore had cause to feel, and which, I trust in God, will 
never again be felt, while one man remains to defend 
the standard of the Union. 

I am expressly authorised to state, that Colonel 
M' Arthur, and Col. Findley, and Lieut. Col. Miller, 
viewed this transaction in the light which I do. They 
know and feel, that no circumstance in our situation, 
none in that of the enemy, can excuse a capitulation so 
dishonorable and unjustifiable. This too, is the uni- 
versal sentiment among the troops ; and I shall be 
surprised to learn, that there is one man, who thinks it 
was necessary to sheath his sword, or lay down his 
musket. 

I was informed by Gen. HuH the morning after 
the capitulation, that the British forces consisted of 
of 1800 regulars, and that he surrendered to prevent 
the effusion of human blood. That he magnified 
their regular force nearly five-fold, there can be no 
doubt. Whether the philanthropic reason assigned 
by him is a sufficient justification for surrendering a 
fortified town, an army and a territory, is lor the 
government to determine. Confident I am, that had 
the courage and conduct of the General been eqmd 
to the spirit and zeal of the troops, the event would 
have been as brilliant unci successful as it now is dis- 
astrous and dishonorable. 

Very respectfully sir, I have the honor to be your 
most obedient servant, 

LEWIS CASS, 
Col. 3d liegl. Ohio Volunteers. 

The Ho?}. William Evstis, Secretary of War. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. I6i 

[By the following 1 Proclamation, it appears that Gen, 
Hull surrendered the whole of Michigan Territory, 
to Gen. Brock, although he has never made public 
any instrument to that effect !] 

PROCLAMATION. 
Hy Isaac Brovk, lUsq. Major- General, commanding 
his majesty s forces in the province of Upper Canada. 
Whereas the Territory of Michigan was this day 
by capitulation, ceded to the arms of his Britannic 
Majesty, without any other condition than the protec- 
tion of private property ; and wishing- to give an early 
proof of the moderation and justice of the govern- 
ment, i do hereby announce to all the inhabitants of 
the said Territory that the laws heretofore in existence 
shall continue in force until his Majesty's pleasure be 
known, or so long as the peace and safety of the Ter- 
ritory will admit thereof. And I do hereby also 'de- 
clare and make known to the said inhabitants thai 
Ihey shall be protected in the full exercise and enjoy- 
ment of their religion ; of which all persons, both civil 
and military, will take notice and govern themselves 
accordingly. 

All persons having in their possession, or having 
any knowledge of any public property, shall forthwith 
deliver in the same, or give notice thereof to the offi- 
cer commanding, or Lt. Col. Nichol, who are hereby 
authorized to receive and give proper receipts for the 
same. 

Officers of the militia will be held responsible that 
all arms in possession of militia-men be immediately 
delivered up ; and all individuals whatever, who have 
in their possession arms of any kind, will deliver them, 
up without delay. Given under my hand at Detroit, 
this 1 tilth day of August, 181*2, and in the 52d year of 
his Majesty's reign. 

(Signed) ISAAC BROCK, 

A true.copy, Major-General 

J, M'DOiNELL, Lt. Col. Militia & A. D, C 
21 



162 HISTORY OF THE WAK. 

A CARD. 

Colonel F.ymmes, of the senior division of the Ohio 
militia, presents his respectful compliments to Major- 
C'eneral Brock, commanding- his Britannic majesty's 
forces, white and red, in Upper Canada. 

Colonel bynimes, observing, that by the 4lh article 
of the capitulation of Fort Detroit to Major-general 
Brock, all public arms moving towards Fort Detroit, 
are to be delivered up, but as no piace of deposit is 
pointed out by the capitulation, forty thousand stand 
of arms coming within the description, are at the ser- 
vice of Major-general Brock, if his excellency will 
condescend to come and take them. 

Copies of letters received at the navy department from 

Capt. Porter, oj the United States friy ate Essex, of 

32 yuns. 

At Sea, Auyust 17, 1812. 
SIR— I have the honor to inform you that on the 13th 
his Britannic Majesty' ssloopof war Alert, Captain T. 
P. Laugharne, ran down on our weather quarter, gave 
three cheers, and commenced an action (if so trifling 
a skirmish deserves the name and after 8 minutes fir- 
ing struck her colors, with 7 feet water in her hold, and 
much cut to pieces, and three men wounded. 

T need not inform you that the officers and crew of 
the Essex behaved as I trust all Americans will in 
such cases, and it is only to be regretted that so much 
zeal and activity could not have been displayed on an* 
occasion which would have, done them more honor. 
The Essex has not received the slightest injury. 

The Alert was out for the purpose of taking the 
Hornet ! : 

I have the honor to be, with great respect, your 
obedient servant, 

Signed DAVID PORTER. 

Hon. Paul Hamilton, Secretary of the Navy. 






HISTORY OF THE WAR, MB 

At sea, August 20. 

SIR Finding myself much embarrassed by the 

Alert, from the great number of prisoners we have al- 
ready made, [about 600] I concluded that before our 
irrivat in America, the number would be considera- 
bly augmented, and as I found my provisions and wa- 
ter getting short, and being well satisfied that a plan 
had°been organized by them for rising on the *hip m 
event of an engagement ; I considered it to be the 
interest of my country to get clear of them as speedi- 
ly as possible, particularly as I was well assured that 
immediately on their arrival in St. Johns an equal 
number of my countrymen would be released and 
find a sure and immediate conveyance. I therefore, 
drew up written stipulations corresponding with the 
accompanying letters ; threw all the guns of the 
Alert overboard ; withdrew from her all the men be- 
longing to the Essex ; appointed lieut. J. P. Wilmer 
to command her as a cartel, pu^ all my prisoners on 
board of her and dispatched her for St. Johns, in 
Newfoundland, with orders to proceed from thence 
to New- York with such Americans as he may re-, 
ceivein exchang-e. j 

At a more suitable opportunity I shall do myself 
the honor to lay before you copies of every paper re- 
lative to this transaction, and sincerely hope that my 
conduct in this affair may meet with your appro- 
bation. 

As the Essex has been so annoying about Bermuda, 
Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland, I expect I shall 
have to run the gauntlet through their cruisers ; you 
may however rest assured that all a ship of her size 
can do shall be done, and whatever may be our fate, 
our countrymen shall never blush for us. 
I have the honor to be, kc. 
Signed, D- PORTEK, 

How- Paul Hamilton, Secretary ) 
of the Navy, Washington. ) 






164 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 

DEFENCE OF FORT HARRISON 

Letter jromtapt. Z. Taylor, eonmiandim, tort Har- 
rison, Indiana Territory, u, Gen. Harrison. ■ 
Fort Harbison, Sept. lu, 1812 
rJr In, , } Tl,ursda y evening, the 3d inst. alter 
retreat beating, tour guns were heard to fire in the di- 
rection where two young men (citizens who resided 
here) were making hay, about 400 yards distant from 
the tort. I was immediately impressed with an idea 
that they were failed by the Indians, as J had that day 
been informed that the Prophet's party would soon be 
here for the purpose of commencing hostilities. Pru- 
dence induced me to wait until 8 o'clock the next 
morning when I sent out a corporal with a small 
party to find them, which he soon did; they had been 
each shot with two balls, and scalped and cu in the 
most shocking manner. I had them brought in and 
buried. In the evening of the 4th inst. obi Joseph 

the"pr'>n. ,• , UVee " 3 °, a " d 4 ° I,,dians *»v»a from 
the Prophet., town, with a white flag; amoV whom 

we about te„ women : the men" vvere compose 
of ch,e . of the different tribes that compose the 
Prophet . party. A Shawanoe man, that spoke Uod 
English, mtormed me that old Lena.- intended to 

tTeai "At' ref 7?""*' *"} *> t0 #«**£»»* 
to eat. At retreat beating* I examined the men's 

arms a„d found them all in good order, and com! 
ni, I lhe Z, C1 " ln '° es ,0 16 '"""< ls l'« man. As I hid 

Z i. ?? eto " ,0 "" t a &*** »' »'°- «■*• s,x p, . 

RmeVast Tl " "-<-<>'"'''-<>»ed officers, for some 
1 { ' ,T d sc ! melnms l ,,nt of *<*t every other 
day, from the unhealthiness of the company / 1 had 

thTs nost Ce sh m' ? ; ,! '' Ce !>de( ' Uate f '° r *° *&"<* of 
recove ed 1°. ^ v '§ orous, y »*«'<*** J had just 
recovered from a very severe attack of the fever and 
£a. no able to be up much through the night. Af 

de ed o CaU r'r ed lhe ^ ,0 * "A and or- 
dered one of the non-commissioned officers, a.s eeuti- 

a,t,T £* ^-r^ P alt 0f *» Pri™, «o v. ■ 
aiound on the made during the whole night to pre 



.. 



HISTOJIY Oi Tilt WAR: ] o 

veut the Indians taking- any advantage of us, nrovi(l- 
ed they had any intent!on of attacking- us. About 1 1 
o'clock, I was awakened by the tiring- of one of the 
centmels; I sprang up, run out, and ordered the men 
to their posts: when mv orderly sergeant (who had 
charge of the upper block boose) called out that the 
Indians had hied the lower block house (which con- 
tained the property of the contractor, which was de- 
posited m the lower part, the upper part having- been 
assingned to a corporal and ten privates, as an alarm 
post. ) The guns had begun to fire pretty smartly 
trom both sides. I directed the buckets to be got 
ready and water brought from the well, and the tire 
extinguished immediately, as it was hardly perceiv- 
able at that time; but from debility or some other 
cause, the men were very slow in executing my or- 
ders— the word fire appeared to throw thewhol'e of 
them into confusion ; and by the time they had got 
the water, and broken open the door, the fire had un> 
iortunately communicated to a quantity of whisky (the 
itock having licked several holes through the lower 
part of the budding, after the salt that was stored 
there, through which they had introduced the fire with- 
out bem^ discovered, as the night was very dark ) 
and in spite of every exertion we could make use of 
in less than a moment it ascended to the roof, and baf- 
fled all our efforts to extinguish it. As that block- 
house adjoined the barracks that make part of the for- 
tifications, most of the men immediately gave them- 
selves up for lost, and I had the greatest difficulty in 
getting any of my orders executed— and, sir, what 
irom the raging of the tire— the yelling and KowIinV 
of several hundred Indians— the cries of nine women 
and children (a part soldiers' and a part citizens- 
wives, who had taken shelter in the fort)— and the 
despond. ,,g of so many of the men, which was worse 
than all, 1 can assure you thatmv feelings were very 
unpleasant ; and indeed there were not more than JO 
or lo men able to do a great deal, the others being 
either sick or convalescent— md to add to our other 



l6o HISTORY OF THE WAtt. 

misfortunes, two of the stoutest men in the fort, und 
that I had every confidence in, jumped the picket and 
left us. But my presence of mind did not for a mo- 
ment forsake me. I saw, by throwing oft* part ol the 
roof that joined the block-house that was on fire, and 
keeping the end perfectly wet, the whole row of build- 
ings might be saved, and leave only an entrance of 
18 or 20 feet for the Indians to enter after the house 
"was consumed ; and that a temporary breast-work 
might be erected to prevent their even entering there. 
I convinced the men that this could be accomplished, 
and it appeared to inspire them with new life, and 
never did men act with more firmness and despera- 
tion. Those that were able (while the others kept 
up a constant fire from the other block-house and the 
two bastions,) mounted the roofs of the houses with 
Dr. Clark at their head, who acted with the greatest 
firmness and presence of mind, the whole time the 
attack lasted, which was 7 hours, under a shower of 
bullets, and in a moment threw off as much of the roof 
as was necessary. This was done only with the loss 
of one man, and two wounded, and I am in hopes 
neither of them dangerous. — The man that was killed 
was a little deranged, and did not get off the house 
as soon as directed, or he would not have been hurt ; 
and although the barracks were several times in a 
blaze, and an immense quantity of fire against them, 
the men used such exertions that they kept it under, 
and before day raised a temporary breast-work as 
high as a man's head ; although the Indians continu- 
ed to pour in a heavy fire of ball and an innumera- 
ble quantity of arrows, during the whole time the at- 
tack lasted, I had but one other man killed inside the 
fort, and he lost his life by being too anxious — he got 
into one of the gallies of the bastions, and fired over 
the pickets, and called out to his comrades that he had 
killed an Indian, and neglecting to stoop down, in an 
instant lie was shot dead. O.ie.of the men that jump- 
ed the pickets, returned an hour before day, and run- 
ning up towards the gate, begged for God's sake for 



HISTORY OP THE WAR. 167 

it to be opened. I suspected it to be a stratagem of 
the Indians to get in, as I did not recollect the voice 
— I directed the men in the bastion, where I happen- 
ed to be, to shoot him let him be who he would, and one 
of them tired at him but fortunately he run up to the 
other bastion, where they knew his voice, and Dr. 
Clark directed hirn to lie down close to the pickets be- 
hind an empty barrel that happened to be there, and 
at day light I had him let in. His arm was broken in 
a most shocking manner, which he says was done by 
the Indians — which I suppose was the cause of his re- 
turning — I think it probable that he will not recover. 
The other, they caught about 120 yards from the 
garrison, and cut him all to pieces. After keeping 
up a constant fire Until about six o'clock the next 
morning, which we returned with some effect; after 
day-light, they removed out of the reach of our guns. 
A party of them drove up the horses that belonged 
to the citizens here, and as they could not catch them 
very readily, shot the whole of them in our sight, as 
well as a number of their hogs They drove off the 
whole of the cattle, which amounted to sixty-five 
head, as well as the public oxen. 1 had tho vacancy 
filled up before night, (which was made by the burn- 
ing of the block house) with a strong row of pickets, 
which I got by pulling down the guard house. Wo 
lost the whole of our provisions, but must make out 
to live upon green corn until we can get a supply, 
which I am in hopes will not be long. I believe the 
whole of the Miamies or Weas, were among the Pro- 
phet's party, as one chief gave his orders in that lan- 
guage, which resembled Stone Eater's voice, and I 
believe Negro Legs was there likewise. The In- 
dians suffered smartly, but were so numerous as to take 
off all that were shot. 

(Signed) Z.TAYLOR 

His Excellency Governor Harrison 



168 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 

Copy of a letter from Major Thomas S. Jessvp and 

James Taylor, Q. J\J. Gen, N. W. Army, to a 

gentleman in Washington City, dated 

Chdicothc, (Ohio) Oct. 7. 

SIR — Your letler has been received, requesting 
from us a corroboration of Col. Cass's statement to 
the Secretary of War, of the surrender of the north- 
western army. We have read the colonel's statement 
with attention, and find it a pretty correct history of 
our situation, although we have observed that some 
important facts have been omitted. We have also 
read and examined the official report of Gen. Hull, and 
have found it abounding with inaccuracies and mistate- 
ments ; the general has not only underrated his own 
force, but has, in our opinion, magnified infinitely that 
of the enemy, and enumerated dangers and difficul- 
ties that existed only in imagination. 

That the means within our power were not proper- 
ly applied, is a melancholy fact; and that the army 
was unnecessarily sacrificed, and the American arms 
disgrace4». none but the base and cowardly will at- 
tempt to deny. 

You are authorised to make what use you may think 
proper of this letter. 

We are with much respect. Your obedient servants, 
THOMAS S. .JESSl P, 
Brigade DJajor A. W. Armtf. 
JAMES TAYLOR, 
Q. M. Gen. A. M . Amy. 



Shirmt:ihiiig—-Qi\\iV. Williams, on the SOtli of Au- 
gust, with 21 men, and two waggons, proceeding 
from St. Mary's to St. John's river, was attacked by 
nn ambuscading parly of Indians, who killed one man 
and wounded six more, including Capt. Williams, 
who received seven wounds ; three through one hand, 
and four in one leg. — He effected a retreat about "200 
yards to a swamp, where he made a stand, and fought 
until all the ammunition was expended on both sides. 
when the Indians made an attempt with their toma- 
hawks, which this Utile bard ?oon put a stop to, by 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 169 

charging bayonet and rushing- on them* The In- 
dians destroyed one waggon and took the other to 
carry off their killed and wounded. Capt. Williams 
then proceeded to St. John's with his well and wound- 
ed, excepting one man, who was not able to travel. 
The next day a party of Indians returned to the spot, 
when the wounded man rose up as well as he could, 
and called upon his party to rush upon the Indians, 
which startled them in such a manner that one of 
them sprung from his horse, which, the wounded 
man caught, and arrived sate at St. John's. 

C!apt. Forsyth, with 70 of his rifle company, and 34 
militia volunteers, on the night of the 20th September, 
1812, went over to a small village called Gananoque, 
in the town of Leeds, from C.xpe Vincent, for the 
purpose of destroying the king's store house at that 
place. They landed unobserved, but were soon dis- 
covered by a party of regulars of about 125, and fired 
upon. — Capt. Forsyth returned the tire with such 
spirit, that they were obliged to retreat to the village, 
where they were reinforced by a number of militia, 
when they again rallied, but finding the contest too 
sanguine, retreated the second time in disorder, leav- 
ing 10 killed, and 8 regulars and a number of militia, 
prisoners: Capt. Forsyth had oidy one man killed 
aud one slightly wounded. After destroying the 
store house, with a quantity of flour and pork, our 
little band of heroes, returned to Cape Vincent, tak- 
ing with them the prisoners, 60 stand of arms, two 
barrels of fixed ammunition, one barrel of powder, 
one barrel of flints, and a quantity of other public 
property taken from the store-house. 

On the 4th of October, about forty British boats, 
escorted by two gun boats, attempted to pass from 
Johnstown to Prescott, by Ogdensburg. — On their 
leaving Johnstown, the batteries at Prescott opened on 
Ogdensburg, and kept up a brisk fire, which was re- 



170 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

turned in a spirited manner, and continued two hours 
The next morning the enemy commenced a heavy 
cannonade on us from Prescott, where the boats lay, 
which was continued with little intermission, through 
the day without any return from us ; General Brown 
considering - it useless to fire such a distance. The 
enemy was very busy during the day in preparing" for 
an attack on Ogdensburg — the next morning about 
10 o'clock, 25 boats, aided by 2 gun boats moved up 
the river three quarters of a mile, when they tacked 
and stood over for our shore. As soon as the boats 
changed their course, the batteries from Prescott 
opened their fire upon us, which was not answered 
till the boats had advanced to about the middle of the 
river, when our batteries commenced a tremendous 
fire upon them, which destroyed three, and caused 
the remainder to seek shelter under the batteries of 
Prescott. Cols. Lethridge and Breckenridge, led 
the British. There was not one man either killed 
or wounded on our side, whilst the enemy lost twelve 
killed and 20 wounded. 

Affair at St. Regis. — Major Young, of the Troy, 
N. Y. militia, stationed at French Mills, on the St. 
Regis river, having received intelligence that a party 
of the enemy had arrived at, and taken possession of 
St. Regis village, marched a detachment, on the 
night of the 21st October, which crossed the river about 
3 o'clock, and arrived within half a mile of the village 
by 5 in the morning, unobserved by the enemy. Here 
the Major made such a judicious disposition of his 
force, that the enemy were entirely surrounded, when 
a few discharges upon them caused them to surrender, 
after having 5 killed, and several wounded. — The 
result of this afl'air, was 40 prisoners, with their arms, 
equipments, &c. one stand of colors, and two bat- 
teaux, without having one man hurt, on our side. 

Major Y oung had the honor of taking the first stan- 
dard from the enemy in the present war. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 171 

Letter from Captain Elliot to the Secretary of 
the Navy. 
Black Rock, Oct. 9, 1812. 

SIR— I have the honor to inform you that on the 
morning of the 8th mst. two British vessels, which I 
was informed were his Britannic Majesty's brig- De- 
troit, late the United States brig Adams, and the 
brig Hunter, mounting' 14 guns, but which afterwards 
proved to be the brig Caledonia, both said to be well 
armed and manned, came down the Lake and anchor- 
ed under the protection of Fort Erie. Having been 
on the lines for some time and in'a measure inactively 
employed, I determined to make an attack, and if 
possible to get possession of them. A strong induce- 
ment to this attempt arose from a conviction that with 
these two vessels added to those which I have purchas- 
ed and am fitting out, 1 should be able to meet the re- 
mainder of the British force on the Upper Lakes, and 
save an incalculable expense and labor to the govern- 
ment. On the morning of their arrival I heard that 
our seamen were but a short distance from this place, 
and immediately dispatched an Express to the officers, 
directing them to use all possible dispatch in getting 
their men to this place, as I had important service to 
perform. On their arrival, which was abouut 12 
o'clock, I discovered that they had only 20 pistols 
and neither cutlasses nor battle ax.es. But on appli- 
cation to Generals Smith and Hall of the regulars and 
militia, I was supplied with a few arms, and Gen. 
Smith was so good on my request as immediately tode- 
tach fifty men from the regulars, armed with mus- 
kets. 

By 4 o'clock in the afternoon, I had my men select- 
ed and stationed in two boats, which I had previous- 
ly prepared for the purpose. With these boats, 50 
men in each, and under circumstances very disadvan- 
tageous, my men having scarely had time to refresh 
themselves after afatigueing march of 600 miles, I put 
off from the month of Buffalo creek, at 1 o'clock the 
following morniiig, and at 3 1 was along side the ves- 



172 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

sels. In the space of about ten minutes I bad the pris- 
oners all secured, the topsails sheeted home, and the 
vessels under way. Unfortunately the wind was not 
sufficiently strong to get me upagainstarapid current 
imo the Lake, where I had understood another arnu:d 
vessel lav at anchor, and I was obliged to run 
down the river by the Forts, under a heavy fire of 
round, grape, and cannister, from a number of pieces 
of heavy ordnance, and several pieces of fl\ing 
artillery, and compelled to anchor at a distance of 
about 400 yards from two of their batteries. After 
the discharge of the first gun, which was from the fly- 
ing artillery, I hailed the shore, and observed to the 
officer, that if another gun was fired I would bring 
the prisoners on deck, and expose them to the same 
fate we would all share — but notwithstanding, they 
disregarded the caution and continued a constant and 
destructive fire. One single moment's reflection de- 
termined me not to commit an act that would subject 
me to the imputation of barbaritx. The Caledonia 
had been beached, in as safe a position as the circum- 
stances would admit of, under one of our batteries at 
the Black Rock. 1 now brought all the guns of the 
Detroit on one side next the enemy, stationed the 
men at them, and directed a fire which was continued 
as long as our ammunition lasted and circumstances 
permitted. During the contest I endeavored to g^t 
the Detroit on our side by sending a line, there being 
no wind, on shore, with all the line I could muster ; 
but the current being so strong, the boat could not 
reach the shore. I then hailed our shore, and re- 
quested that warps should be made fast on land, and 
sent on board, the attempt to all which again prov- 
ed useless. As the fire was such as would, in all 
probability, sink the vessel in a short time, I determin- 
ed to drift down the river out of the reach of the bat- 
teries, and make a stand against the flying artillery. 
I accordingly cut the cable, made sail with very light 
airs, and at that instant discovered that the pilot had 
abandoned me. I dropped astern for about 10 mi- 
nutes, when 1 was brought upon our shore on Squaw 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 173 

Island — got the boarding- boat ready, had the prison- 
ers put in and sent on shore, with directions for the 
officer to return for me and what property we could 
get from the brig. He did not return, owing to the 
difficulty in the boat's getting on shore. Discover- 
ing a skiff under the counter, I put the four remain- 
ing prisoners in the boat, and with my officers I went 
on shore to bring the boat off. I asked for protec- 
tion to the brig of Lieut. Col. Scott who readily gave 
it. At this moment I discovered a boat with about 
40 soldiers from the British side, making for the brig. 
They got on board, but were soon compelled to aban- 
don her, with the loss of nearly all their men. Ma- 
jor Ormsbee, Commandant of Fort Erie and 30 
privates were killed, while on board. During the 
whole of this morning both sides of the river kept 
up alternately a continual fire on the brig, and so 
much injured her that it was impossible to have float- 
ed her. Before I left her, she had several shot of 
large size in her bends, her sails in ribbons, and rig- 
ging all cut to pieces. 

To my officers and men I feel under great obliga- 
tion. ToCapt. Towson and Lieut. Roach of the 2d 
regiment of artillery, Ensign Prestman of the infantry, 
C iptain Chapin, Mr. John M'Comb, Messrs. John 
Town, Thomas Dain, Peter Overstocks, and James 
Sloan, resident gentlemen of Buffalo, for their soldier 
and sailor like conduct. In a word, sir, every man 
fought as if with their hearts animated only by the in- 
terest and honor of their country. 

The prisoners I have turned over to the military. 
The Detroit mounted fourteen long guns, a com- 
manding Lieut, marines, a boatswain and gunner, 
and 5(3 men— about 30 American prisoners on board, 
muskets, pistols, cutlasses, and battle axes. In boar- 
ding her I lost one man, one officer wounded, Mr. 
John C. Cummings, acting midshipman, a bayonet 
through the leg— his conduct was correct, and de- 
serves the notice of the Department. The Caledonia 
mounted two small guns, blunderbusses, pistols, mus- 
kets, cutlasses, and boarding pikes, 12 men including 



174 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

officers, 10 prisoners on board. The boat boarding' 
her was commanded by sailing master Geo. Watts, 
who performed Ins duty in a masterly style. But 
one man killed, and four wounded badly, I am afraid 
mortally. I enclose you a list of the officers and men 
engaged in the enterprise, and also a view of the 
Lake and river in the different situations of attack. 
In a day or two I shall forward the names of the pri- 
uoners. The Caledonia belongs to the N. W. Com- 
pany, loaded with furs worth I understood 8200,000. 

With sentiments of respect, I have the honor to 
be, &c. 

JESSE D. ELLIOT. 

Hon. Paul Hamilton, Secretary of the Navy. 

Extract of a letter from Capt. Heald, late command- 
ant at fort Chicago, dated at Pittsburg, Oct. 23, 
1812. 

* On the 9th of August last, I received orders from 
General Hull to evacuate the post and proceed with 
my command to Detroit by laud, leaving it at my dis- 
cretion to dispose of the public property as I thought 
proper. The neighboring Indians got the informa- 
tion as early as I did, and came in from all quarters m 
order to receive the goods in the factory store which 
they understood were to be given them. On the 13th 
Capt. Wells, of Port Wayne, arrived with about 30 
jVhamies, for the purpose of escorting us in, by the re- 
quest of General Hull. On the 14lh I delivered the 
Indians all the goods in the factory store and a consid- 
erable quantity of provisions which we could not take 
away with us. The surplus, and ammunition I 
thought proper to destroy, fearing they would make 
bad use of it if put in their possession. I also de- 
stroyed all the liquor on hand soon after they began to • 
collect. The collection was unusuily large for that 
place, but they conducted with the strictest propriety 
till after I left the fort. On the 10th at t) in the morn- 
ing, we commenced our march ; a pari of the Miam- 
ies were detached in front and the remainder in our 
rear, as guards, under the direction of Capt. Wells. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 176 

The situation of the country rendered it necessary lor 
vis to take the beach, with the lake on our left, and a 
high sand bank on our right, at about 100 .yards dis- 
tance. We had proceeded about a mile and an half, 
when it was discovered that the Indians were prepar- 
ed to attack us from behind the bank, i immediate* 
!y marched up with the company to the top of the 
bank, when the action commenced ; after tiring* one 
round, we charged, and the Indians gave way in front 
and joined those on our Hanks. In about io minutes 
they got posession of all our horses, provisions, and 
baggage of everv description, and rinding the Miamies 
did not assist us, I drew off the few men I had left 
and took prosession of a small elevation in the open 
prairie out of shot of the bank or any other cover. 
The Indians did not follow me, but assembled in a body 
on the top of the bank, and, after some consultation 
among- themselves, made signs for me to approach 
tham. I advanced towards them alone and was met by 
one of the Potawattamie chiefs called the Black Bird, 
with an interpreter. After shaking hands, he request- 
ed me to surrender, promising to spare the lives of 
all the prisoners. On a few moments consideration, 
I concluded it would be most prudent to comply with 
his request, although I did not put entire confidence 
in his promise. After delivering up our arms, we 
were taken back to their encampment near the fort, 
and distributed among the different tribes. The next 
morning they set fire to the fort and left the place, tak- 
ing the prisoners with them. Their number of war- 
riors was between four and five hundred, mostly of 
the Potawattamie nation, and their loss, from the best 
mformation I could get, was about 15. Our strength 
was 54 regulars and 12 militia, out of which 26 regu- 
lars and all the militia were killed in the action, with 
two women and twelve children. Ensign George 
Ronan, and Dr. Isaac V. Van Voorhis of my compa- 
ny, with Capt. Wells of Fort Wayne, are to my ureal 
sorrow, numbered among the dead. Lieut. Lina T. 
Helm, with 25 non-commissioned officers and pri • 



176 HISTORY OF THE WAR, 

vates, and 11 women and children, were prisoners 
when we were separated. Mrs. Heald and myself 
were taken to the mouth of the river St. Joseph, and, 
beinff both badly wounded, were permitted to reside 
with Mr. Burnet, an [ndian trader. In a tew days 
after our arrival there, the Indians all went off to take 
Fort Wayne, and in their absence I engaged a French- 
man to take us to Michilimackinac by water, where I 
gave myself upas a prisoner of war, with one of my 
sergeants. The commanding officer, Capt. Roberts, 
offered me every assistance in his power to render 
our situation comfortable while we remained there, 
and to enable us to proceed on our journev. To him 
I gave my parole of honor and came on to Detroit and 
reported myself to Col. Proctor, who gave us a passage 
to Buffalo ; from that place 1 came by the way of 
Presque Isle and arrived here yesterday.' 



Copy oj a letter from Mr. S. T. Anderson, enclosing 

one from Commodore Chauncey to the Secretary of 

the Navy. 

Sacket's Harbor, 13th Nov. 1812. —at night. 

SIR — Since the enclosed letter from the Commo- 
dore was written, the Growler has returned with a 
prize, and in her Captain Brock, brother to the late 
General of that name, with the baggage of the latter. 
By the prize we learned that the Earl Moira was off 
the False Ducks, and the Commodore has put off in 
a snow storm in the hope of cutting her oft' from 
Kingston. 

From information received from Capt. Brock, there 
is no question but that Kingston is very strongly de- 
fended. He expressed surprise to find our a essels 
had got out of the harbor after having been in it ; and 
says that the regiment to which he belongs is quar- 
tered there, 500 strong, besides other regulars, and a 
well appointed militia. The resistance made tnily 
justifies this report. Be assured, sir, that m the ao 



HISTORY OP THE WAR. 177 

tion of which the Commodore has given you an ao 
count, the national honor has been most ably sup- 
ported. 

In great haste, your most obedient servant, 

SAMUEL T. ANDERSON. 

Hon. Paul Hamilton, /Secretary of the Navy. 

Sacket's Harbor, 13th Nov. 1812. 

SIR — I arrived here last evening in a gale of wind, 
the pilots having refused to keep the Lake. On the 
8th I fell in with the Royal George, and chased her 
into the bay of Quanti, where I lost sight of her in the 
night. On the morning of the 9th, we again got 
sight of her lying in Kingston channel. We gave 
chase, and followed her into the harbor of Kingston, 
where we engaged her and the batteries for one hour 
and 45 minutes. I had made up my mind to board 
her, but she was so well protected by the batteries, 
and the wind blowing directly in, it was deemed im- 
prudent to make the attempt at that time ; the pilots 
aJso refused to take charge of the vessel. Under 
these circumstances, and it being after sun-down, I 
determined to haul off and renew the attack next, 
morning. We beat up in good order under a heavy 
fire from the Royal George and batteries, to 4 mile 
point, where we anchored. It blew heavy in squalls 
from the westward during the night, and there was 
every appearance of a gale of wind. The pilots be- 
came alarmed and I thought it most prudent to get 
into a place of more safety. I therefore (very reluct- 
antly) deferred renewing the attack upon the ships 
and forts until a more favorable opportunity. 

In our passage through the bay of Q,uanti, I dis- 
covered a shooner at the village of Armingstown,, 
which we took possession of, but finding she would 
detain us (being then in chase of the Royal George) 
I ordered Lieut. Macpherson to take out her sails and 
rigging and burn her, which he did. We also too^ 
the schooner Mary, Hall, from Niagara, at the mouth 
of Kingston harbor, and took her with us to our an*. 
28 



178 H1ST0KY OF THE WAR. 

chorage. The next morning, finding that she could 
not beat through the channel with us, I ordered the 
sailing master of the Growler to take her under con- 
voy and run down past Kingston, anchor on the east 
end of Long Island, and wait for a wind to come 
upon the east side. I was also in hopes that the 
Royal George might be induced to follow for the 
purpose of retakingour prize, but her commander was 
too well aware of the consequences to leave his moor- 
ings. 

We lost in this affair one man killed, and three 
slightly wounded, with a few shot in our sails. The 
other vessels lost no men and received but little injury 
in their hulls and sails, with the exception of the Pert, 
whose gun bursted in the early part of the action, and 
wounded her commander (sailing master Arundel) 
badly, and a midshipman and three men slightly. 
Mr. Arundel, who refused to quit the deck although 
wounded, was knocked overboard in beating up to 
our anchorage, and I am sorry say, was drowned. 

The Royal George must have received very con- 
siderable injury in her hull and in men, as the gun 
vessels with a long 32 pounder were seen to strike her 
almost every shot, and it was observed that she was 
reinforced with troops four different times during the 
action. 

It was thought by all the officers in the squadron 
that the enemy had more than thirty guns mounted at 
Kingston, and from 1000 to 1,300 men. The Royal 
George protected by this force was driven into the in-. 
ner harbor, under the protection of the musketry, by 
the Oneida, and four small schooners fitted out ;is 
gun b6ats ; the Governor Tompkins not having been 
able to join in the action until about sun-down, owing 
to the lightness of the winds, and the Pert' s gun hav- 
ing burst the second or third shot. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir, your 
obedient servant, 

ISAAC CHAUNCEY. 

Hon. Paul Hamilton, Secretary of the JSuvy. 



HISTORY OF THE "WAR. 179 

Copy of a letter from Maj. Gen. Van Rensselaer, of the 
New- York militia, to Maj. Gen. Henry Dearborn, 
transmitted by the latter to the department of war. 

Head- Quarters, Lewiston , 
October 14, 1812. 
SIR — As the movements of the army under my 
command, since I had the honor to address you on the 
8th inst. have been of" a very important character pro- 
ducing' consequences serious to many individuals ; 
establishing facts actually connected with the interest 
of the service and safety of the army ; and as I stand 
prominently responsible for some of these consequen- 
ces, I beg leave to explain to you, sir, and through 
you to my country, the situation and circumstances 
in which I have had to act, and the reasons and mo- 
tives which governed me ; and if the result is not all 
that might have been wished, it is such, that when the 
•whole ground shall be viewed, I shall cheerfully sub- 
mit to the judgment of my country. , 

In my letter of the 8th inst. I apprized you that a 
crisis in this campaign was rapidly advancing; and 
that (to repeat the same words) ' the blow must be soon 
struck, or all the toil and expence of the campaign go 
for nothing ; and worse than nothing, for the whole 
will be tinged with dishonor.' 

Under such impressions, I had on the 5th inst. 
written to brigadier-General Smyth, of the United 
States' forces requesting an interview with him, Ma- 
jor-General Hall, and the commandants of the United 
States' regiments, for the purpose of conferring upon 
the subject of future operations. I wrote Major-Gen- 
eral Hall to the same purport. On the 11th, I had 
received no answer from General Smyth ; but in a 
note to me on the 10th, General Hall mentioned that 
General Smyth had not yet then agreed upon any day 
for consultation. 

In the mean time, the partial success of lieut. Elliot, 
at Black Rock, (of which, however, I have received 
no official information^) began to excite a strong dispo- 
sition in the troops to net. This was expressed to me 



180 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

through various channels in the shape of an alternative . ; 
that they must have orders to act ; or at all hazards, 
they would go home. I forbear here commenting up* 
on the obvious consequences to me, personally, of lon- 
ger withholding- my orders under such circumstances. 

I had a conference with as to the possibility of 

getting* some person to pass over to Canada and ob- 
tain correct information. On the morning of the 4th, he 
wrote to me that he had procured the man who bore his 
letterto go over. Instructions were given him ; he pas- 
sed over — obtained such information as warranted an 
immediate attack. This was confidently communi- 
cated to several of my first officers, and produced 
great zeal to act ; more especially as it might have a 
controling effect upon the movements at Detroit, 
where it was supposed General Brock had gone with 
all the force he dared spare from the Niagara frontier. 
The best preparations in my power were, therefore, 
made to dislodge the enemy from the Heights of 
Q,ueenston, and possess ourselves of the village, where 
the troops might be sheltered from the distressing in- 
clemency of the weather. 

Lieut. Col. Fenwick's flying artillery, and a detach- 
ment of regular troops under his command, were or- 
dered to be up in season from Fori Niagara. Orders 
•were also sent to Gen. Smyth to send down from Buf- 
faloe, such detachments of his brigade as existing cir- 
cumstances in that vicinity might warrant. The at- 
tack was to have been made at 4 o'clock in the morn-- 
ing of the 11th, by crossing over in boats from the old 
ferry opposite the Heights. To avoid any embarrass- 
ment in crossing the river, (which is here a sheet of vio- 
lent eddies) experienced boatmen were procured to 
take the boats from the landing below to the place of 
embarkation. Lieut. Sini was considered the man 
of greatest skill for this service. He went ahead, and 
in the extreme darkness, passed the intended place far 
up the river; and there, m a most extraordinary man- 
ner fastened the boat to the shore and abandoned the 
detachment. In the front boat he had carried nearly 



HISTORY Or THE Wilt, 1$1 

every oar which was prepared for all the boats. In 
this agonizing' dilemma, stood officers and men whose 
ardor had not been cooled by exposure through the 
night to one of the most tremendous north-east storms, 
which continued, unabated, for twenty-eight hours, 
and deluged the whole camp. The approach of day 
light extinguished every prospect of success, and the 
detachment returned to camp. Gol. Van Rensselaer 
was to have commanded the detachment. 

After this result, I had hoped the patience of the 
troops would have continued until I could submit the 
plan suggested in my letter of the 8th, that I might 
act under, and in conformity to the opinion that 
might be then expressed. But my hope was idle : 
the previously excited ardor seemed to gain new 
heart from the late miscarriage — the brave were mor- 
tified to stop short of their object, and the timed 
thought laurels half won by an attempt. 

On the morning of the 12th, such was the pressure 
upon me from all quarters, that I became satisfied 
that my refusal to act might involve me in suspicion 
and the service in disgrace. 

Viewing affairs at Buffalo as yet unsettled, I had 
immediately countermanded the march of General 
Smyth's brigade, upon the failure of the first expedi- 
tion ; but having now determined to attack Queens- 
ton, I sent new orders to Gen. Smyth to march; not 
with the view of his aid in the attack, for I considered 
the force detached sufficient, but to support the de- 
tachment should the conflict be obstinate and long 
continued. 

Lieut. Col. Chrystie, who had just arrived at the 
four mile Creek, had late in the night of the first con- 
templated attack, gallantly offered me his own and 
his men's service; but he got my permission too late. 
He now again came forward ; had a conference with 
Col. Van Rensselaer, and begged that he might have 
the honor of a command in the expedition. The ar- 
rangement was made. Col. Van Rensselaer was to 



182 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

command one column of 300 militia ; and Lieut. 
Col. Chrystie a column of the same number of regular 
troops. 

Every precaution was now adopted as to boats, 
and the most confidential and experienced men to 
manage them. At an early hour in the night, Lieut. 
Col. Chrystie marched his detachment, by the rear 
road, from Niagara to camp. At 7 o'clock in the 
evening, Lieut. Col. Stranahan's regiment moved 
from Niagara Falls — at 8 o'clock, Mead's — and at 9 
Lieut. Col. Blan's regiment marched from the same 
place. All were in camp in good season. Agreea- 
bly to my orders issued upon this occasion, the two 
columns were to pass over together; and soon as the 
heights should be carried, Lieut. Col. Fenwick's flying 
artillery was to pass over ; then Maj. Mullany's de- 
tachment of regulars ; and other troops to follow in 
order. 

At dawn of day the boats were in readiness, and 
the troops commenced embarking, under the cover 
of a commanding battery, mounting two eighteen 
pounders, and two sixes. The movements were soon 
discovered, and a brisk fire of musketry was poured 
from the whole line of the Canada shore. Our bat- 
tery then opened to sweep the shore ; but it was, for 
some minutes, too dark to direct much fire with safe- 
ty. A brisk cannonade was now opened upon the 
boats from three different batteries. Our battery re- 
turned their fire, and occasionally threw grape upon 
the shore, and was itself served with shells from a 
small mortar of the enemy's. Col. Scott, of the ar- 
tillery, by hastening his march from Niagara Falls 
in the night, arrived in season to return the enemy's 
tire with two six pounders. 

The boats were somewhat embarrassed with the 
eddies, as well as with a shower of shot : but Col. 
Van Rensselaer, with about 100 men, soon effected 
his lauding amidst a tremendous fire directed upon 
him from every point ; but to the astonishment of all 
who witnessed the scene, this van of the column ad- 



HISTORY OF THE WAR.' 183 

vanced slowly against the fire. It was a serious mis- 
fortune to the van, and indeed to the whole expedition, 
that in a few minutes after landing, Col. Van Rens- 
selaer received four wounds — a hall passed through 
the right thigh, entering just below the hip hone — 
another shot passed through the same thigh, a little 
below — the third through the calf of his leg — and a 
fourth cartused his heel. This Mas quite a crisis in 
the expedition. Under so severe a fire it was diffi- 
cult to form raw troops. By some mismanagement 
of the boatmen, Lieut. Col. Chrystie did not arrive 
until some time after this, and was wounded in the 
hand in passing the river. Col. Van Rensselaer was 
still able to stand ; and with great presence of mind 
ordered his officers to proceed with rapidity and 
storm the Fort. This service was gallantly perform- 
ed, and the enemy driven down the hill in every di- 
rection. Soon after this both parties were considera- 
bly reinforced, and the conflict was renewed in seve- 
ral places — many of the enemy took shelter behind a 
stone guard-house, where a piece of ordnance was 
now briskly served. I ordered the fire of our battery 
directed upon the guard-house; and it was so effect- 
ually done, that with 8 or 10 shot the fire was silenc- 
ed. The enemy then retreated behind a large store- 
house ; but in a short time the route became general, 
and the enemy's fire was silenced except from a one 
gun battery, so far down the river as to be out of the 
reach of heavy ordnance, and our light pieces could 
not silence it. A number of boats now passed over 
unaunoyed, except from one unsilenced gun. For 
some time after 1 had passed over, the victory appeal- 
ed complete ; but in the expectation of further attacks, 
I was taking measures for fortifying my camp imme- 
diately — the direction of this service I committed to 
Lieut. Totten, of the engineers. But very soon the 
enemy were reinforced by a detachment of several 
hundred Indians from Chippewa — they commenced 
a furious attack, but were promptly met and routed 
by the rifle and bayouet. By this time \ perceiwii 






184 HISTORY Or THE WAE. 

my troops were embarking very slowly. I passed im- 
mediately over to accelerate their movements ; but to 
my utter astonishment, I found at the very moment 
when complete victory was in our hands, the ardor of 
the unengaged troops had entirely subsided. I rode 
in all directions — urged men by every consideration to 
pass over — but in vain. Lieut. Col. Bloom, who had 
been wounded in action, returned, mounted his horse, 
and rode through the camp; as did also Judge Peck, 
who happened to be here, exhorting the companies to 
proceed — but all in vain. 

At this time a large reinforcement from Fort George 
were discovered coming up the river. As the battery 
on the hill was considered an important check against 
their ascending the heights, measures were immedi- 
ately taken to send them a fresh supply of ammuni- 
tion, as we had learnt there was left only twenty shot 
for the eighteen pounders. The reinforcement, how- 
ever, obliqued to the right from the road, and formed 
a junction with the Indians in the rear of the heights. 
Finding, to my infinite mortification, that no reinforce- 
ment would pass over; seeing that another severe con- 
flict must soon commence : and knowing that the 
brave men on the heights were quite exhausted, aud 
nearly out of ammunition, all I could do was to send 
them a fresh supply of cartridges. At this.. critical 
moment, I despatched a note to Gen. Wadsworth, ac- 
quainting him with our situation — leaving the course 
to be pursued much to his own judgment- — with as- 
surance, that if he thought best to retreat, I would 
endeavor to send as many boats as I could command, 
and cover his retreat by every fire I could safely make. 
But the boats were dispersed — many of the boatmen 
had fled, panic struck — aud but few got off. But 
my note could but little more than have reached Gen. 
Wadsworth about 4 o'clock, when a most severe and 
obstinate conflict commenced and continued about 
half an hour, with a tremendous tire of cannon, flying 
artillery and musketry. The enemy succeeded, in 
repossessing their battery ; and gaining advantage on 



HISTORY OP THE WAR, 185 

every side, the brave men who had gained the victo- 
ry, exhausted of strength and ammunition, and griev- 
ed at the unpardonable neglect of their fellow-sol- 
diers, gave up the conflict. 

I can only add, that the victory was really won ; 
but lost for the want of a small reinforcement. One 
thtrd part of the idle men might have saved all. 

I have been so pressed with the various duties ot 
burying the dead, providing for the wounded, collect- 
ing the public property, negociating an exchange of 
prisoners, and all the concerns consequent of such a 
battle, that I have not been able to forward this dispatch 
at as early an hour as I could have wished. I shall 
soon forward you another despatch, in which I shall 
endeavor to point out to you the conduct of some most 
gallant and deserving officers. But I cannot in justice 
close this without expressing the very great obliga- 
tion I am under to brigadier-general Wadsworth, CoL 
Van Rensselaer, Col. Scott, Lt. Cols. Christie and Fen- 
wick, and Captain Gibson. Many others have also 
behaved most gallantly. As I have reason to believe 
that many of our troops fled to the woods, with the 
hope of crossing the river, I have not been able to 
learn the probable number of killed, wounded and 
prisoners.* The slaughter of our troops must have 
been very considerable. And the enemy have suffer- 
ed severely. 

General Brock is among their slain, and his 
aid~de-camp mortally wounded. 

I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect and 
consideration, your most obedient servant, 

(Signed; STEPHEN VAN RENSSELAER, 

Major- General. 

Major-General Dearborn. 

* It is mice ascertained that 90 regulars and militia were killed 
andiiSS regulars, and 378 m\litia> 82 being vjovrnhd, made pri*- 
oners. 



24 



}8Q HISTORY OF THE WAR. 



CHAPTER V\ 

Documents accompanying the President" s Message 
of JSiovcmbtr 4, 1812. 
Mr. Monroe to Mr. liussell. 
Department of Static, July 27, 1812. 

SIR — I wrote you on the 26th of June, by Mr. 
Poster, a letter which he promised to deliver to you id 
person or by a safe hand. 

In' that letter you were informed, that the Orders in 
Council, and other illegal blockades, and ihe impress- 
ment of our seamen by Great-Britain, as you well 
knew "before, were the principal causes of the war, 
and thai if they were removed, you might stipulate an 
armistice, leaving- them and all other grounds of dif- 
ference, for tinal and more precise adjustment by trea- 
ty. As an inducement to the British government to 
discontinue the practice of impressment from our ves- 
sels, by which alone our seamen can be made secure, 
you were authorised to stipulate a prohibition by law, 
to be reciprocal, of the employment of British seamen 
in the public or commercial service of the United 
States. As such an arrangement, which might be 
made completely effectual and satisfactory by suitable 
regulations and penalties, would operate almost ex- 
clusively in favor oi Great-Britain, for as few of our 
seamen ever enter voluntarily into the British service, 
the reciprocity would be nominal'; its advantage to 
Great-Britain would be more than an equivalent for 
any she derives from impiessment, which alone ought 
to induce her to abandon the practice, if she had no 
other motive for it. A stipulation to prohibit -by law 
the employment of British seamen in the service of 
the United States, is to be understood in the sense and 
spirit of the constitution. The passage of such law 
must depend of course on Congress, who, it might 
reasonably be presumed, might give effect to it. 

By authorising you to secure these objects as the 
grounds of an armistice, it was not intended to restrict 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 1ST 

j{on to any precise form in which it should be done- 
It is not particularly necessary that the several points, 
should be specially provided for in the convention 
stipulating" the armistice. A clear and distinct un- 
derstanding with the British government on the sub- 
ject of impressment, comprising in it the discharge 
of men already impressed, and on future blockades, 
if the Orders in Council are revoked, is all that is ini: 
dispensible. The Orders in Council being revoked, 
and the proposed understanding on the other points, 
that is, on blockades and impressment, being first ob-» 
tained, in a manner, though informal, to admit, of no 
mistake or disagreement hereafter, the instrument 
providing for the armistice may assume a general 
form especially if more agreeable to the British gov-* 
ernment. It may for example be said in general 
terms * that both powers being sincerely desirous to 
terminate the differences which unhappily subsist be* 
tween them, and equally so, that full time should be 
given for the adjustment thereof, agree, 1st, that aa 
armistice shall lake place for that purpose to com.-* 
mence on the day of 

* 2. That they will forthwith appoint on each side, 
commissioners with full power to form a treaty, which, 
shall provide, by reciprocal arrangements, for the se- 
curity of their seamen from being taken or employed 
in the service of the other power, for the regulation 
of their commerce, and all other interesting questions 
now depending between them. . 

' 3. The armistice shall not cease without a previa 
ous notice by one to the other party of days, 

and shall not be understood as having other effect than 
merely to suspend military operations by land and sea.* 

By this you will perceive that the President is de-» 
sirous of removing every obstacle to an accoromoda-* 
tion which consists merely of form, securing in a safe 
and satisfactory manner, the rights and interests of. 
the United States in these two great and essential cir- 
cumstances, as it is presumed may be accomplished 
by the proposed understanding ; he is willing that it 
should be done in a manner the most satisfactory aad 



188 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

honorable to Great-Britain, as well as to the United 
Spates. I have the honor to be. &c. 

JAMES MONROE. 

Mr. Graham to Mr. Russell. 
Department op State, Aug. 9, 1812. 

SIR — The Secretary left this city about ten clays 
ago, on a short visit to Virginia. Since that period 
Mr. Baker has, in consequence of some despatches 
from his government addressed to Mr. Foster, made 
to me a communication respecting the intentions of 
his governmeut as regards the Orders in Council. 
It was of a character, however, so entirely informal 
and confidential that Mr. Baker did not feel himself 
at liberty to make it in the form of a note verbal or 
pro memoria, or even to permit me to take a memo- 
randum of it at the time he made it. As it authorises 
an expectation that something more precise and de-i- 
finite, in an official form, may soon be received by this 
government, it is the less necessary that I should go 
into an explanation of the views of the President in 
relation to it, more particularly as the Secretary of 
State is daily expected, and will be able to do it in a 
manner more satisfactory. I have the honor, &c. 

JOHN G LI AH AM. 
Mr. Graham to Mr. Itusseli 
Department of State, Aug. 10, 1812. 

SIR — Thinking that it may possibly be useful to 
you, 1 do myself the honor to enclose you a memo- 
randum of the conversation between Mr. Baker and 
myself, alluded to in my letter of yesterday's date. 
From a conversation with Mr. Baker since this me- 
morandum was made, I find that 1 was correct in 
representing to the President that the intimation from 
Mr. Foster, and the British authorities at Halifax was 
to be understood as connected with a suspension of 
hostilities on the frontiers of Canada. Yours, &c. 

JOHN GRAHAM 
Memorandum referred to in the above letter. 

Mr. Baker verbally communicated to me for the 
information of the President, that he had received 



HISTORY OP THE WAR. 189 

despatches from his government addressed to Mr. 
Foster, (dated I believe about the 17th of June) from 
which he was authorised to say, that an official de- 
claration would be sent to this country, that the Or- 
ders in Council, so far as they affected the U. States, 
would be repealed on the 1st of August, to be revived 
on the 1st of May, 1813, unless the couduct of the 
French government, and the result of the communi- 
cations with the American government, should be 
such as, in the opinion of his Majesty, to render their 
revival unnecessary. Mr. Baker moreover stated 
that the Orders would be revived, provided the Amer- 
ican government did not, within fourteen days after 
they received the official declaration of their repeal, 
admit British armed vessels into their ports, and put 
an end to the restrictive measures which had grown 
out of the Orders in Council. 

The despatches authorising this communication to 
the American government expressly directed that it 
should be made verbally, and Mr. Baker did not con- 
sider himself at liberty to reduce it to writing, even 
in the form of a note verbal, or pro memoria, or to 
suffer me to take a memorandum of his communica- 
tion at the time he made it. I understood from him 
that the despatches had been opened by Mr. Foster 
at Halifax, who in consequence of a conversation he 
had had with Vice Admiral Sawyer, and Sir J. Sher- 
broke, had authorised Mr. Baker to say, that these 
gentlemen would agree, as a measure leading to a 
suspension of hostilities, that all captures made after a 
day to be rixed, should not be proceeded against im- 
mediately, but be detained to await the future decision 
of the two governments. Mr. Foster had not seen 
Sir George Prevost, but had written to him by ex- 
press, and did not doubt but that he would agree to 
an arrrangement for the temporary suspension of hos- 
tilities. Mr. Baker also stated that he had received 
an authority from Mr. Foster to act as charge d'af- 
fairs, provided the American government would re- 
ceive him in that character, for the purpose of ena- 



190 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

bling him officially to communicate the declaration 
■which was to be expected from the British govern- 
ment ; his functions to be understood, of course, as 
ceasing on the renewal of hostilities* 1 replied, That, 
although, to so general and informal a communica- 
tion, no answer might be necessary, and certainly no 
particular answer expected, yet, I was authorised to. 
say, that the communication is received with sincere 
satisfaction, as it is hoped that the spirit in 
which it was authorised by his government, may lead 
to such further communications as will open the way 
not only to an early and satisfactory termination of 
existing hostilities, but to that entire adjustment of all 
the differences which produced them, and that per- 
manent peace and solid friendship which ought to be 
mutually desired by both countries, ami which is sin- 
cerely desired by this. With this desire, an authority 
was given to Mr. Russell on the subject of an armis- 
tice as introductory to a final pacification, as has been 
made known to Mr. Foster, and the same desire will 
be felt on the receipt of the further and more particu- 
lar communications which are shortly to be expected 
with respect to the joint intimation from Mr. Foster 
and the British authorities at Halifax, on the subject 
of suspending judicial proceedings in the case of mar- 
atune captures, to be accompanied by a suspension of 
military operations. The authority given to Mr. Rus- 
sell just alluded to, and of which Mr. Foster was the 
bearer, is full proof of the solicitude of the govern- 
ment of the United States to bring about a general 
suspension of hostilities on admissible terms, with as 
little delay as possible. Jt was not to be doubted 
therefore, that any other practical expedient for -at- 
taining a similar result would be readily coucurred in. 
Upon the most favorable consideration, however, 
which could be given to the expedient suggested 
through him, it did not appear to be reducible to any 
practicable shape to which the executive would be 
authorised to give it the necessary sanction, nor in- 
deed is it probable that if it was less liable to insuoer- 



HISTORY OE THE WAR. 191 

able difficulties, that it could have any material 
effect prevjoiis to the result of the pacific advance 
■made by this government, and winch must it favora- 
bly received, become operative as soon as any other 
arrangment that could now be made. It was stated 
to Mr. Baker, that the President did not, under ex- 
isting circumstances, consider Mr. Foster as vested 
with the power of appointing a charge d'affairs : but 
that no difficulty in point of form would be made, as 
any authentic communication through him, or any 
other channel, would be received with attention and 
respect. ' 

Secretary of State to Mr. Russell. 
Department of State, Aug, 21,1812. 

[Extract.] My last letter to you was of the 27th of 
July, and was forwarded by the British packet, the 
Althea, under the special protection of Mr. Baker. 
The object of that letter, and of the next preceding 
one of the 26th of June, was, to invest you with pow- 
er to suspend by an armistice, on such fair conditions 
as it was presumed could not be rejected, the opera* 
tion ot the war, which had been brought on the Unit- 
ed States by the injustice and violence of the British 
government. At the moment of the declaration of 
war, the President, regretting the necessity which 
produced it, looked to its termination and provided 
for it, and happy will it he for both countries, if the 
disposition felt, and the advances made on his part, 
are entertained and met by the British government 
in a similar spirit. 

You have been informed by Mr. Graham of what 
passed in my late absence from the city, in an inter- 
view between Mr. Baker and him, in consequence of 
a despatch from the British government to Mr. Foster, 
received at Halifax, just before he sailed for .Eng- 
land, and transmitted by him to Mr. Baker, relating 
to a proposed suspension or repeal of the British Or- 
ders in Council. You will have seen by the note- 
forwarded to you by Mr. Graham, of Mr, Baker's 



192 HISTORY OF THE WAK. 

communication to him, that Mr. Foster had author- 
ised him to state that the commanders of the British 
forces at Halifax would agree to a suspension, alter 
a day to be fixed, of the condemnation of prizes, to 
await the decision of both governments, without how- 
ever preventing captures on either side. It. appears 
also, that Mr. Foster had promised to communicate 
with Sir George Prevost, and to advise him to pro- 
pose to our government an armistice. 

Sir George Prevost has since proposed to General 
Dearborn, at the suggestion of Mr. Foster, a suspen- 
sion of offensive opperations by land, in a letter which 
was transmitted by the General to the Secretary at 
War. A provisional agreement was entered into be- 
tween Gen. Dearborn and Colonel Baynes, the British 
adjutant general, bearer of Gen. Prevost's letter, that 
neither party should act offensively, before the deci r 
sion of our government should be taken on the subject. 

Since my return to Washington, the document al- 
luded to in Mr Foster's despatch, as finally decided 
on by the British government, has been handed to me 
by Mr. Baker, with a remark, that its authenticity 
might be relied on. Mr. Baker added that it was not 
improbable, that the Admiral at Halifax might agree 
likewise to a suspension of captures, though he did not 
profess or appear to be acquainted with his sentiments 
on that point. 

On full consideration of all the circumstances which 
merit attention, the President regrets that it is not in 
his power to accede to the proposed arrangement. 
The following are among the principal reasons which 
have produced this decision. 

1st. the President has no power to suspend judicial 
proceedings on prizes. A capture, if lawful, vests 
a right, over which he has no control. Nor could lie 
prevent captures otherwise than by an indiscriminate 
recal of the commissions granted to our privateers, 
which he could not justify under existing circumstan- 
ces. 



HISTORY OF THR WAR. 19& 

v 2d. The proposition is not made by the British gov- 
erment, nor is there any certainty that it would be ap- 
proved by it. The proposed arrangement, if aceeed- 
ed to, might not be observed by the British officers 
themselves, if their government, in consequence of the 
war, should give them instructions of a different char- 
acter, even if they were given without a knowledge of 
the arrangement. 

3d. No security is given, orproposed^stothelndians, 
nor could any be relied on. They have engaged in the 
war on the side of the British government, and are now 
prosecuting it with vigor, in their usual savage mode. 
They can only be restrained by force, when once let 
loose, and that force has already been ordered out for 
that purpose. 

4th. The proposition is not reciprocal, because it re- 
strains the United States from acting where their pow- 
er is greatest, and leaves Great-Britain at liberty, and 
gives^hertime to augmenther forces in our neighbour- 
hood. . 

5th. That as a principle object of the war is to obtain 
redress against the British practice of impressment, an 
agreement to suspend hostilities even before the Bri-' 
ish government is heard from on that subject, might, 
be considered a relinquishment of that claim. 

6th. It is the more objectionable, and of the less im- 
portance, in consideration of the instructions heretofore 
given you, which, if met by the British government, 
may have already produced the same result in a 
greater extent and more satisfactory form. 
' I might add, that the declaration itself is objection- 
able in many respects, particularly the following : — 

1st. Because it asserts a right in the British govern- 
ment to restore the Orders in Council, or any part 
thereof, to their full effect on a principle of retaliation 
on France, under circumstances of which she alone 
is to judge; a right which this government cannot 
admit, especially in the extent heretofore claimed, 
a«d acted on by the British government. 
25 



194 HISTORY OF THE WAK. 

2d. That the repeal is founded exclusively on the 
French Decree of the 28th of April, 1811, by which 
the repeal of the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, an- 
nounced on the 5th of August, 1810, to take effect 
on the 1st of November, of that year, at uhich time 
their operation actually ceased, is'disregarded, as are 
the claims of the United States arising- from the re- 
peal on that day, even according to the British pledge. 
3d. That even if the United States had no right tq 
claim the repeal of the British Orders in Council 
prior to the French Decree of the 28th of April, 1811, 
nor before the nolfication of that Decree to the Brit- 
ish government, on the 20th of May, of the present 
year, the British repeal ought to have borne date, 
from that day, and been subject to none of the limit- 
ations attached to it. 

These remarks on the declaration of the Prince 
Regent, which are not pursued with rigor, nor in the- 
full extent which they might be, are applicable to it; 
in relation to the state of things which existed before 
the determination of the United States to resist the 
aggressions of the British government by war. By 
that determination, the relations between the two 
countries have been altogether changed, and it is only 
by a termination of the war, or by measures leading, 
to it, by consent of both governments, that its calam- 
ities can be closed or mitigated. It is not now a ques- 
tion whether the declaration of the Prince Regent is 
such as ought to have produced a repeal of the non- 
importation act, had war not been declared, because, 
by the declaration of war, that question is superceded, 
and the non-importation act having been continued 
in force by Congress, and become a measure ot war, 
and among the most efficient, it is no longer subject 
to the control of the Executive in the sense, and for 
the purpose for which it was adopted. The declara- 
tion, however, of the Prince Regent, will not be with- 
out effect. By repealing the Orders in Council 
without reviving the blockade of May, 1806, or 
any other illegal blockade, as is understood to be the 



HISTORY OP THE WAR. 105 

Case, it removes a great obstacle to an accommoda- 
tion. The President considers it an indication of a 
disposition in the British government to accommodate 
the differences which subsist between the two coun- 
tries, and I am instructed to assure you, that, if such 
a disposition really exists, and is persevered in, and is 
extended to other objects, especially the important 
one of impressment, a durable and happy peace and 
reconciliation cannot fail to result from it. 

Mr. Russell to Mr. Monroe. 

London, Sept. 1, 1812. 

SIR — You will perceive by the enclosed copies of 
notes which have passed between lord Casjlreagh and 
me, that the moderate and equitable terms proposed 
for a suspension of hostilities, have been rejected, and 
that it is my intention to return immediately to the 
United States. 

My continuance here, after it has been so broadly 
intimated to me by his lordship, that I am no longer 
acknowledged in my diplomatic capacity, and after 
a knowledge that instructions are given to the British 
Admiral to negociate an arrangement on the other 
side of the Atlantic, would, in my view of the subject, 
hot only be useless but improper. 

It is probable, however, that the vessel in which I 
propose to embark will not take her departure before 
the 15th or 20th of this month. 

I have the honor to be, with great consideration, 
air, your most obedient servant, 

JONATHAN RUSSELL. 

The hon. James Monroe, fyc. 

Mr. Russell to lord Castlereagh. 

London, Aug. 24, 1812. 
My lord — It is only necessary, I trust, to call the 
attention of your lordship to a review of the conduct 
of the government of the United States, to prove in- 
controvertibly its unceasing anxiety to maintain the 
relations of peace and friendship with Great-BritaiD. 
Its patience in suffering the many wrongs which it 



|#0 HISTORY Or THE WAR. 

has received, and its perseverance in endeavoring by 
amicable means to obtain redress, are known to the 
world. Despairing at length of receiving this redress 
from the justice of the British government, to which 
it had so often applied in vain, and feeling that a 
further forbearance would be a virtual surrender of 
rights and interests essential to the prosperity and in«* 
dependence of the nation confided to its protection, 
it has been compelled to discharge its high duty by 
an appeal to arms. While, however, it regards this 
course as the only one which remained for it to pur- 
sue with a hope of preserving any portion of that kind 
of character which constitutes the vital strength of 
every nation, yet it is still willing to give another 
proof of the spirit which has uniformly distinguished 
its proceedings, by seeking to arrest, on terms con* 
sistent with justice and honor, the calamities of war t 
It has, therefore, authorised me to stipulate with his 
Britannic Majesty's government an armistice to com* 
inence at or before the expiration of sixty days after 
the signature of the instrument providing for it, on 
condition that the Orders in Council be repealed, and 
no illegal blockades to be substituted to them, and that 
orders be immediately given to discontinue the im* 
pressment of persons from American vessels, and 19 
restore the citizens of the United States already im- 
pressed ; it being moreover well understood that the 
British government will assent to enter into definite 
arrangements, as soon as may be, on these and 
every other difference, by a treaty to be concluded 
either at London or Washington, as on an impartial 
consideration of existing circumstances shall be deem* 
ed most expedient. 

As an inducement to Great-Britain to discontinue 
the practice of impressment from American vessels* 
1 am authorised to give assurance that a law shall be 
passed (to be reciprocal) to prohibit the employment 
of British seamen in the public or commercial service 
of the United States. 



HISTORY OP THE W>K. 191 

It is sincerely believed that such an arrangement 
would prove more efficacious in securing - to Great- 
Britain her seamen, than the practice of impressment, 
so derogatory to the sovereign attributes of the United 
States, and so incompatible with the personal rights of 
their citizens. 

Your lordship will not be surprised that I have pre- 
sented the revocation of the Orders in Council as a 
preliminary to the suspension of hostilities, when it is 
considered that the act of the British government of 
the 23d of June last, ordaining that revocation, is 
predicated on conditions, the performance of which 
is rendered impracticable by the change which is 
since known to have occurred m the relations between 
the two countries. Iv, cannot now be expected that 
the government of the United States will immediate- 
ly on due notice of that act, revoke or cause to be re* 
vx>ked its acts, excluding from the waters and harbors 
of the United States all British armed vessels, and in- 
terdicting commercial intercourse with Great-Bri- 
tain. Such a procedure would necessarily involve 
consequences too unreasonable and extravagant to 
be for a moment presumed.— The Order in Council 
of the 23d of Jime last will therefore according to its 
own terms be null and of no effect, and a new act of 
the British government, adapted to existing circum- 
stances, is obviously required for the effectual repeal 
of the Orders in Council of which the United States 
complain. 

The government of the United States considers 
indemnity for injuries received under the Orders in 
Council and other Edicts, violating the rights of the 
American nation, to be incident to their repeal, and 
it believes that satisfactory provision will be made in 
the definite treaty, to be hereafter negociated, for 
this purpose. 

The conditions now offered to the British govern- 
ment for the termination of the war by an armistice 
as above stated, are so moderate and just in them- 
selves, and so entirely consistent with its iuterest and 



198 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

honor, that a confident hope is indulged that it will 
not hesitate to accept them. In so doing it will aban- 
don no right ; it will sacrifice no interests ; it will ab- 
stain only from violating the rights of the United 
States, and in return it will restore peace with the 
power from whom in a friendly commercial inter- 
course so many advantages are to be derived. 

Your lordship is undoubtedly aware of the serious 
difficulties with which the prosecution of the war, even 
for a short period, must necessarily embarrass all fu- 
ture attempts at accommodation. — Passions exas- 
perated by injuries — alliances or conquests on terms 
which forbid their abandonment — will inevitably 
hereafter embitter and protract a contest which might 
row be so easily and happily terminated. 

Deeply impressed with these truths, I cannot but 
persuade myself that his Royal Highness, the Prince 
Regent will take into his early consideration, the pro- 
positions herein made on behalf of the United States, 
and decide on them in a spirit of conciliation and 
justice. 

I have the honor to be, with high consideration, my 
lord, your lordship's most obedient servant, 

JONATHAN RUSSELL. 
The Right hon. lord Viscount Castlereagh, &c. 

Lord Castlereagh to Mr. Russell. 

Foreign Office, Aug. 29, 1812. 

SIR — Although the diplomatic relations between 
the two governments have been terminated, by a de- 
claration of war on the part of the United States, I 
have not hesitated, under the peculiar circumstances 
of the case, and the authority under which you act, 
to submit to the Prince Regent the proposition con- 
tained in your letter of the 24th inst. for a suspension 
of hostlities. 

From the period at which your instructions must 
have been issued, it is obvious, that this overture was 
determined upon by the government of the United 
States, in ignorance of the Order in Council of the 23d 



HISTORY OP THE WAR. 199 

June last, and as you inform me that you are not at 
liberty to depart from the conditions set forth in your 
letter, it only remains for me to acquaint you that the 
Prince Regent feels himself under the necessity of 
declining to accede to the proposition therein contain- 
ed, as being on various grounds absolutely inadmis- 
sible. 

As soon as there was reason to apprehend, that Mr. 
Foster's functions might have ceased in America, 
and that he might have been obliged to withdraw him- 
self, in consequence of war having been declared, from 
the United States, before the above mentioned Order 
of the 23d of June, and the instructions consequent 
thereupon, could have reached him, measures were 
taken for authorising the British Admiral on the 
American station, to propose to the government of 
the United States, an immediate and reciprocal revo- 
cation of all hostile Orders, with the tender of giving 
full effect, in the event of hostilities being discontinu- 
ed, to the provisions of the said Order, upon the condi- 
tions therein specified. 

From this statement you will perceive that the view 
you have taken of this part of the subject is incorrect ; 
and that in the present state of the relations between 
the two countries, the operation of the Order of the 
23d June, can only be defeated by a refusal on the 
part of your government to desist from hostilities, or 
to comply with the conditions expressed in the said 
Order. 

Under the circumstances of your having no pow- 
ers to negociate, I must decline entering into a de- 
tailed discussion of the propositions which you have 
been directed to bring; forward. 

I cannot, however, refrain on one single point, 
from expressing my surprise ; namely, that, as a con- 
dition preliminary even to a suspension of hostilities, 
the government of the United States, should have 
thought fit to demand, that the British government 
should desist from its ancient and accustomed prac- 
tice of impressing British seameu from the merchant 



200 HISTORY OP TILE WAH. 

ships of a foreign state, simply on the assurance that 
a law shall hereafter be passed to prohibit the employ- 
ment of British seamen in ihe public or commercial 
service of that state. 

The British government now, as heretofore, is 
ready to receive from the government of the United 
States, and amicably to discuss, any proposition which 
professes to have in view either to check abuse in the 
exercise of the practice of impressment, or to accom- 
plish by means less liable to vexation* the object for 
which impressment has hitherto been found necessary, 
but they cannot consent to suspend the exercise of a 
right upon which the naval strength of the empire 
mainly depends, until they are fully convinced that 
means can be devised, and will be adopted, by which 
the object to be obtained by the exercise of that right, 
can be effectually secured. 

I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient 
humble servant, 

CASTLEREAGH. 

J, Russell, Esq. &c. 

Mr. Russell to lord Casllereayh. 

London, September 1, 1812. 

My lord—I have heard with much regret, by you i 
lordship's note, dated the 29th ult. which I did notre- 
eeive until this morning, that the^rince Regent has 
thought proper to decline to accede to the proposition 
for a suspension of hostilities, contained in my note 
of the 24th of August. 

It has been matter of surprise to me that my view 
with regard to the revocation of the Order in Coun* 
cil of the 23d of June last, should have been consid- 
ered to have been incorrect, when it appears by your 
lordship's note that the British government itself had 
deemed it necessary to give powers to the British Ad- 
miral to stipulate for its full effect, and thereby ad- 
mitted that a new act was required focthat purpose. 

It now only remains for me to amioui cc to your 
lordship that it is mv intention to embark immediately 



HISTORY OP THE WAR. 201 

at Plymouth, on board the ship Lark, for the United 
States, and to request that permission may be grant-> 
ed, as soon as may be, for the embarkation of my ser- 
vants, baggage, and the effects of this legation, and 
that the necessary passports may be furnished for my 
own, and their safe conduct to that destination. 

I avail myself of this occasion to apprize your lord- 
ship that I am authorised by the government of the 
United States, to leave Reuben Gaunt Beasely, Esq. 
as its agent for prisoners of war in this country, and 
to desire that every necessary facility may be afforded 
him in the exercise of that trust, by the British gov- 
ernment. 

I have the honor to be, my lord, your lordship's 
most obedient humble servant, 

JONATHAN RUSSELL. 

The Rt. lion, lord Viscount Castkreagh. 

Mr. Russell to Mr. Monroe. 

London, Sept. 3, 1812. 
SIR — 1 enclose herein a copy of a note, received 
yesterday from lord Castlereagh, which will acquaint 
you that I have obtained my passports to return to the 
United States, and that Mr. Beasely is permitted to 
remain here as agent for prisoners of war. 

Immediately on demanding my passport I address- 
ed to the consuls a circular of which you will also 
find a copy enclosed. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

JONATHAN RUSSELL. 
The hon. James Monroe, fyc. 

Lord Castlereagh to Mr. Russell. 

Foreign Office, Sept. 2, 1812. 
SIR — I have laid before his Royal Highness, the 
Prince Regent, your letter of the 1st inst. in which 
you announce your intention to embark immediately 
at Plymouth on board the ship Lark, for the United 
States. 

26 



202 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

I have already had the honor of forwarding 1 lo yoq 
an admiralty order for the protection of that ship as a 
cartel, on her voyage to America, and I herewith en- 
close to you a passport for the free embarkation of 
yourself and family, in conformity to your request. 
The lords commissioners of Ins Majesty's treasury 
will issue directions to thecomissioners of the customs 
to give every facility to the embarkation of) our ef- 
fects. 

If previous to your departure from England, ^ on 
can point out to me any particular manner in which I 
can facilitate your arrangements, I beg that you will 
command my services. 

His Royal Highness, has commaded me to signify 
to you, for the information of your government, that 
there will be no difficulty in allowing Mr. R. G. 
Beasely, as stated in your letter, to reside in.this coun- 
try, as the United States' agent for prisoners of war. 

I have the honor to subscribe myself, with great 
truth and consideration, sir, your most obedient hum- 
ble servant, 

(Signed) CASTLEREAGH. 

J. Russell, Esq. 



CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN SIR J. B. WARREN 
AND THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 

Halifax, Nova Scotia, Sept. 30, 1812. 

SIR — The departure of Mr. Foster from America, 
has devolved upon me the charge of making known 
to you, tor the information of the government of the U. 
Stales, the sentiments entertained by his Royal High- 
ness, the Prince Regent, upon the existing relations of 
the two countries. 

You will observe, from the enclosed copy of an 
Order in Council bearing dale the 23d of June, 1812, 
that the Orders in Council otthe7lh of January, 1807, 
and the 26th of April, 1809, ceased to exist nearly at 
the same time that the government of the U. States 
declared war against his Majesty. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. :J0o 

Immediately on the receipt of this declaration in 
London, the Order in Council, of which a copy is 
herewith enclosed to you, was issued on the olst day 
of July, for the embargo and detention of all Ameri- 
can ships. 

Under these circumstances, I am commanded to 
propose to your government the immediate cessation 
of hostilities between the two countries and I shall be 
most happy to be the instrument of bringing- about a 
reconciliation, so interesting and beneficial to Ameri- 
ca, and Great Britain. 

I therefore propose to you, that the government of 
the U. States of America shall instantly recall their 
letters of marque and reprisal against British ships, 
together with all orders and instructions for any acts 
of hostility whatever against the territories of his Ma- 
jesty, or the persons or property of his subjects ; with 
the understanding, that, immediately on my receiving 
from you an official assurance to that effect, I shall in- 
struct all the officers under my command to desist from 
corresponding measures of war, against the ships and 
property of the United States, and that I shall transmit 
without delay, corresponding intelligence to the sev- 
eral parts of the world where hostilities may have 
commenced. The British commanders in which, 
"will be required to discontinue hostilities from the re- 
ceipt of such notice. 

Should the American government accede to the 
above proposal for terminating hostilities, I am author- 
ised to arrange with you as to the revocation of the 
laws which interdict the commerce and ships of war 
of Great Britain from the harbors and waters of the 
U. States ; in the default of which revocation within 
such reasonable period as may be agreed upon, you 
will observe by the order of the 23d June, the Orders* 
in Council of January, 1807, and April, 1809, are to be 
revived. 

The officer who conveys this letter to the Ameri- 
can coast has received my orders to put to sea immedi- 
ately upon the delivering of this dispatch to the com- 



204 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 

petent authority ; and I earnestly recommend that no 
time may be lost in communicating- to me the decision 
of your government, persuaded as I feel that it cannot 
but be of a nature to lead to a speedy termination of 
the present differences. 

The flag- of truce which you may charge with your 
reply will find one of my cruisers at Sandy Hook, ten 
days after the landing of this despatch, which I have 
directed to call there with a Hag of truce for that pur-* 
pose. 

I have the honor to be, with the highest considera- 
tion, sir, your most obedient and most faithful humble 
servant. 

JOHNBORLASE WARREN. 

Admiral of the Blue, and commander in chief, &c, 

Mr. Monroe to sir J. B. Warren. 
Department op State, Oct. 27, 1812. 

STR — I have had the honor to receive your letter 
of the 30th ult. and to submit it to the consideration of 
the President. 

It appears that you are authorised to propose a ces- 
sation of hostilities between the U. States and Great 
Britain, on the ground of Ihe repeal of the Orders in 
Council, and in case the proposition is acceeded to, 
to take measures in concert with this government, to 
carry it into complete effect on both sides. 

You state, also that you have it in charge, in that 
event, to enter into an arrangement with the govern- 
ment of the U. States for the repeal of the laws which 
interdict the ships of war and the commerce of Great 
Britain from the harbors and waters of the U. States. 
And you intimate, that if the proposition is not acced- 
ed to, the Orders in Council (repealed conditionally 
by that of the 23d of June last) will be revived against 
the commerce of the U. States. 

I am instructed to inform you, that it will be very 
satisfactory to the President to meet the British govern- 
ment in such arrangements as may terminate without 
delay the hostilities which now exist between the U. 



HISTORY OP THE WAR. 205 

States and Great Britain, on conditions honorable to 
both nations. 

At the moment of the declaration of war, the Presi- 
dent gave a signal proof of the attachment of the U. 
States to peace. Instructions were given at that ear- 
ly period to the late charge des affairs of the U. States 
at London, to propose to the British government an 
armistice on conditions which it was presumed would 
Jbave been satisfactory. It has been seen with regret 
that the propositions made by Mr. Monroe, particu- 
larly in regard to the important interest of impress* 
meat, was rejected, and that none was offered through 
that channel, as a basis on which hostilities might 
Cease. 

As your government has authorised you to propose 
a cessation of hostilities, and is doubtless aware of the 
important and salutary effect which a satisfactory ad- 
justment of this difference cannot fail to have on the 
future relations between the two countries, I indulge 
the hope that it has, ere this, given you full power for 
the purpose. JExperience has sufficiently evinced that 
no peace can be durable unless this object is provided 
for. It is presumed, therefore, that it is equally the 
interest of both countries to adjust it at this time. 

Without further discussing questions of right, the 
President is desirous to provide a remedy for the evils 
complained of on both sides. The claim of the Bri- 
tish government is to take from the merchant vessels 
of other countries British subjects. In the practice, the 
commanders of the British ships of war often take 
from the merchant vessels of the U. States, American 
citizens. If the United States prohibit the employ- 
ment of British subjects in their service, and inforce 
the prohibition of suitable regulations and penalties, 
the motive for the practice is taken away. It is in 
this mode that the Presidents willing to accommodate 
this important controversy with the British govern- 
ment, and it cannot be conceived on what ground the 
'UTangement can be refused. 

• 



206 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

A suspension of the practice of impressment, pend- 
ing the armistice, seems to be a necessary conse- 
quence. It cannot be presumed, while the parties are 
engaged in a negociation to adjust amicably 
this important difference, that the U. States would ad- 
mit the right or acquiesce in the practice of the oppo- 
site party ; or that Great Britain would be unwilling 
to restrain her cruizers from a pactice which would 
have the strongest tendency to defeat the negociation. 
It is presumable that both parties would enter into the 
negociation with a sincere desire to give it effect. 
For this purpose it is necessary that a clear and dis- 
tinct understanding be first obtained between them, of 
the accommodation which each is prepared to make. 
If the British government is willing to suspend the 
practice of impressment from American vessels, on 
consideration that the U. States will exclude British 
seamen from their service, the regulations by which 
this compromise should be carried into effect would 
be solely the object of negociation. The armistice 
would be of short duration. If the parties agreed, 
peace would be the result. If the negociation failed, 
each would be restored to its former state, and to all 
its pretentions, by recurring to war. 

Lord Castlereagh, in his note to Mr. Russell, seems 
to have supposed, that had the British government ac- 
cepted the propositions made to it, G. Britain would 
have suspended immediately the exercise of a right, 
on the mere assurance of this government that a law 
would be afterwards passed to prohibit the employ- 
ment of British seamen in the service of the LJ. States, 
and that Great Britain would have no agency in the 
regulation to give effect to that proposition. Such an 
idea was not in the contemplation of this government, 
nor is to be reasonably inferred from Mr. Russell's 
note ; lest, however, by possibility such an inference 
might be drawn from instructions to Mr. Russell, and 
anxious that there should be no misunderstanding in 
the case, subsequent instructions were given to Mr. 
Russell with a view to obviate every objection of the 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 207 

kind alluded to. As they hear date on the 27th July, 
and were forwarded by the British packet Althea, it 
is more than probable that they may have been receiv- 
ed and acted on. 

I am happy to explain to you thus fully the views 
of my government on this important subject. The 
President desires that the war which exists between 
our countries should be terminated on such conditions 
as may secure a sold and durable peace. To accom- 
plish this great object it is necessary that the interest 
of impressment be satisfactorily arranged. He is. 
willing that Great Britain should be secured against 
the evils of which she complains. He seeks on the 
other hand that the citizens of the United States 
should be protected against a practice which while it 
degrades the nation, deprives them of their rights a? 
freemen, takes them by force from their families and 
their country into a foreign service, to fight the bat- 
tles of a foreign power, perhaps against their own kin- 
dred and country. 

I abstain from entering, in this communication, in- 
to other grounds of difference. The Orders in Coun- 
cil having been repealed, (with a reservation not im- 
pairing a corresponding right on the part of the U. 
States^ and no illegal blockades revived or instituted 
in their stead, and an understanding being obtained 
on the subject of impressment, in the mode herein pro- 
posed, the President is willing to agree to a cessation 
of hostilities, with a view to arrange by treaty, in a 
more distinct and ample manner, and to the satisfac- 
tion of both parties, every other subject of controversy 

I will only add that if there be no objection to an 
accommodation of the difference relating to impress- 
ment, in the mode proposed, other than the suspension 
ot the British claim to impressment during the armis- 
tice, there can be none to proceeding, without the 
armistice, to an immediate discussion and arrange- 
ment of an article on that subject. This great ques- 



208 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

lion being satisfactorily adjusted, the way will be 
open either for an armistice or any other course lead- 
ing most conveniently and expeditiously to a general 
pacification. I have the honor, %c. 

JAMES MONROE. 



BRITISH CHALLENGE. 

Ignorant of the fate of the blustering Dacres, Sir 
James Yeo, of the Southampton frigate, sent the follow- 
ing polite challenge lo Capt. D. Porter, commander of 
the frigate Essex. The king, 4 the fountain of honor/ 
dubbed Sir James, a knight j we wished Capt. Porter 
the pleasure of drubbing him into a gentleman. 

'A passenger of the brig Lyon from Havanna to 
New-York, captured by the brig Southampton, sir 
James Yeo, commander, is requested by sir James 
Yeo, to present his compliments to captain Porter, 
commander of the American frigate Essex, would 
be glad to have a tete-a-tete any where between the 
capes of Delaware and the Havanna, when he would 
have the pleasure to break his own sword over his 
damned head and put him down forward in irons.' 

AMERICAN ACCEPTANCE. 

Captain Porter, of the United States frigate Essex, 
presents his compliments to sir James Yeo, command- 
ing his Britannic majesty's frigate Southampton, and 
accepts with pleasure his polite invitation. If agreea- 
ble to sir James, captain Porter would prefer meeting 
near the Delaware, where, captain P. pledges his 
honor to sir James, that no other American vessel 
shall interrupt their tete-a-tete. 

The Essex may be known by a flag bearing the 

motto — FREE TRADE AND SAILORS' RIGHTS J 

And when that is struck to the Southampton, cap- 
tain Porter will deserve the treatment promised by 
sir James. 

Philadelphia, Sept. 18, 1812. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 209 



CHAPTER VI. 

CAPTURE OF THE FROLIC AND WASP, 

Capt. Jones to the Secretary of the J\«vy. 

New-York Nov. 24, 1812. 

SIR — I here avail myself of the first opportunity 
of informing" you of the occurrences of our cruise, 
which terminated in the capture of the Wasp on the 
18th of October, by the Poictiers of 74 guns, while a 
wreck from damages received in an engagement with 
the British sloop of war Frolic, of 22 guns; sixteen 
of them thirty-two pound carronades, and four twelve 
pounders on the main deck and two twelve pounders, 
carronades, on the top-gallant-forecastle, making her 
superior in force to us by 4 twelve pounders. The 
Frolic had struck to us, and was taken possession of 
about two hours before our surrendering to the Poic- 
tiers. 

We had left the Delaware on the 13th. The 16th 
had a heavy gale, in which we lost our jib-boom and 
two men. Half past eleven, on the night of the 17th, 
in the latitude of 37 deg. N. and Ion. 65 deg. W. we 
saw several sail, two of them appearing very large ; 
we stood from them for some time, then shortened 
sail and steered the remainder of the night the course 
we had perceived them on. At day-light on Sunday 
the 18th we saw them ahead — gave chase and soon 
discovered them to be a convoy of six sail, under the 
protection of a sloop of war ; four of them large ships, 
mounting from 16 to 18 guns. At thirty-two min- 
utes past 11, A. M. we engaged the sloop of war, 
having first received her fire at the distance of fifty or 
sixty yards, which space we gradually lessened until 
we laid her on board, after a well supported tire of 
forty-three minutes ; and although so near while load- 
ing the last broadside that our rammers were shoved 
against the side of the enemy, our men exhibited the 
same alacrity which they had done during the whole 
27 



210 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

of the action. They immediately surrendered upon 
our gaining - their forecastle, so that no loss was sus- 
tained on either side alter boarding 1 . 

Our main-top-mast was shot away between 4 and 
5 minutes from the commencement of the firing, and 
falling together with the main-topsail yard across the 
larboard tore and fore-top-sail braces, rendered our 
head-yards unmanageable the remainder of the action. 
At eight minutes the gait and and main-top-gallant 
mast came down, and at 20 minutes from the begin- 
ning of the action every brace and mostot the rigging 
was shot away. A few minutes after separating 
from the Frolic both her masts fell upon deck, the 
mainm:tst going close by the deck, and the foremast 
twelve or fifteen feet above it. 

The courage and exertions of the officers and 
crew fully answered my expectations and wishes. 
Lieut. Biddie's active conduct contributed much to 
our success, by the exact attention paid to every de- 
partment during the engagement, and the animating 
example he afforded the crew by his intrepidity. 
Lieuts. Kodgers, Booth, and Mr. llapp, shewed by 
the incessant fire from their divisions that they were 
not to be surpassed in resolution or skill. M i. Knight 
and every olher officer acted with a courage and 
promptitude highly honorable, and I trust have giv- 
en assurance that they may be relied on whenever 
their services may be required. 

I could not ascertain the exact loss of the enemy, 
as many of the dead lay buried under the masts and 
spars that had fallen upon deck, which two hours' ex- 
ertion had not sufficiently removed. Mr. Biddle, 
who had charge ot the Frolic, states that from what 
he saw and from information from the officers, the 
number of killed must have been about thirty, and 
that of the wounded about forty or fift> — of the kil- 
led is her first Lieut, and sailing master ; of the 
wounded Capt. "Whinyatcs, and her second Lieut. 

We had five killed and five wounded as per list ; 
the wounded are recovering. Lieut. Claxton, who 



HISTORY OF THE AVAR. 211 

was confined by sickness, left his bed :i little previous 
to the engagement, and though too weak to be at his 
division remained upon deck and shewed by his 
composed manner of noting icuidents, that we had 
lost by his illness the services of a brave officer. 
I am respectfully, yours, 

JACOB JONES. 
Hon. Paul Hamilton Secretary ot the Navy. 



DECATUR'S VICTORY. 

Com. Decatur to the Secretary of the Navy. 
U. 8, S. United States, at sea, Oct 30, 1812. 

SIR — I have the honor to inform you, that on the 
25th mst. being in lat. 29 deg. N. long. 29, 30 W. 
we fell in with, and, after an action of one hour and 
a Half, captured his Britannic Majesty's frigate Ma- 
cedonian, commanded by Capt. John Carden, and 
mounting 49 carriage guns (the odd gun shifting.) 
She is a frigate of the largest class, two years old, 
four months out of dock, and reputed one of the best 
sailers in the British service. The enemy being to 
windward, had the advantage of engaging us at his 
own distance, which was so great, that for the first 
half hour we did not use our carronades, and at no 
moment was he within the complete effect of our 
musketry or grape — to this circumstance and a heavy 
swell, which was on at the time, I ascribe the unusual 
length of the action. 

The enthusiasm of every officer, seamen, and ma- 
rine on board this ship, on discovering the enemy — 
their steady conduct in battle, and precision of their 
fire, could not be surpassed. Where all met my ful- 
lest expeetations, it would be unjust in me to discrim- 
inate. Permit me, however, to recommend to your par- 
ticular notice, my first Lieut. William H. Allen. He 
has served with me upwards of five years, and to his 
unremitted exertions in disciplining the crew, is to 
be imputed the obvious superiority of our gunnery 
exhibited in the result of the contest. 

Subjo.ned is a list of the killed and wounded on 
both sides. Our loss, compared with that of the en- 



212 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

emy, will appear small. Amongst our wounded, 
you will observe the name of Lieut. Funk, who died 
in a few hours after the action — he was an officer of 
great gallantry and promise, and the service has sus- 
tained a severe loss in his death. 

The Macedonian lost her mizen-mast, fore and 
main top-masts and main yard, and was much cut up 
in her hull. The damage sustained by this ship was 
not such as to render her return into port necessary; 
and had 1 not deemed it important that we should 
see our prize in, should have continued our cruise. 
With the highest consideration, &c. 

STEPHEN DECATUR. 

The hon. Paul Hamilton, 

Killed on board the United States seven — and 
five wounded. 

On board the Macedonian thirty-six killed — and 
sixty-eight wounded. 

BAINRRIDGE'S VICTORY: 

Com. Bainbridye to tlte Secretary of the Navy. 
U. S. Frigate Constitution, St. Salvador, Jan 3, 1813. 
SIR — I have the honor to inform you, that on the 
29th ultimo, at 2 P. M in south latitude 13 06, and 
west longitude thirty eight, ten leagues distance irom 
the coast of Brazils, I fell in with and captured his 
Britannic Majesty's frigate Java, of forty nine guns 
and upwards of 400 men, commanded by captain Lam- 
bert, a ver*y distinguished officer. The action lasted 
one hour and 5-> minutes, in which time the enemy 
was completely dismasted, not having a spar of any 
kind standing. The loss on board t!<e Constitution 
was 9 killed and 25 wounded, as per enclosed list. 
The enemy had 60 killed and 101 wounded, certain- 
ly (among the latter captain Lambert, mortally) but 
by the enclosed letter, written on board the ship, (by 
one of the officers of the Java) and accidentally found, 
it is evident that the enemy's wounded must have beeu 
much greater than above stated, and who must have 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 213 

died of their wounds previously to their being remov- 
ed. Tiie letter states sixty killed and 170 wounded. 

For further details of the action, I beg leave to re- 
fer you to the enclosed extracts from my journal. 
The Java had in addition to her own crew upwards 
of one hundred supernumirary officers and seamen, to 
join the British ships of war in the East Indies ; also, 
JLieutenant-General Hislop, appointed to the com- 
mand of Bombay, Major Walker, and Cant. Wood, 
of his staff, a d Capt. Marshall, master and command- 
er in the British navy, going to the East Indies to 
take command of a sloop of war there. 

Should I attempt to do justice, by representa- 
tion, to the brave and good conduct of all my officers 
and crew, during the action, I should fail in the at- 
tempt ; therefore, suffice it to say, that the whole of 
their conduct was such as to merit my highest enco- 
miums. I beg leave to recommend the officers particu- 
larly to the notice of government, as also the unfortu- 
uate seamen who were wounded, and the families of 
those men who fell in the action. 

The great distance from our own coast, and the 
perfect wreck we made the enemy's frigate, forbid 
every idea of attempting to take her to the United 
Stales ; and not considering it prudent to trust her in- 
to a port of Brazils, particularly. Stf. Salvadore, as vou 
wiirpercive by the enclosed letters, No. 1. 2. and 3, 
I had no alternative but burning her, which I did on 
the 31st ult. after receiving all the prisoners and their 
baggage, which was very tedious work, only having 
one boat left (out of eight) and not one left on board 
the Java. 

On blowing up the frigate Java, I proceeded to 
this place, where I have landed all the prisoners on 
their parole, to return to England, and there remain 
until regularly exchanged, and not serve in their pro- 
fessional capacities in any place or in any manner 
whatever against the United States of America, until 
the exchange shall be effected. 

I have the honor to be, Sir, with the greatest re- 
spect. W. BAINBRIDGE. 



214 HISTORY OF THE AVAR. 

Extract from Commodore Wra. Bainbridge's Jour- 
nal, kept on baord the U. States Constitution. 
* Tuesday, Dec. 29, 1812. 

' At. 9 A. M. discovered two strange sails on the 
weather bow. At 10 discovered the strange sails to 
be ships; one of them stood in for land and the other 
stood oft' shore, in a direction towards us. At 10, 45 
A. M. we tacked ship to the northward and westward 
and stood for the sail standing towards us, and at 11 
A. M. tacked to the southward and eastward, hauled 
up the mainsail and took in the royals. At 11, 30, 
made the private signal for the day, which was not 
answered, and then set the mainsail and royals to 
draw the strange sail off from the neutral coast, and 
separate her from the sail in company. 

* Wednesday, Dec. 30. 

• In lat. 13, 9 S. long. 38 W. ten leagues from the 
coast of Brazil, commences with clear weather and 
moderate breezes from E. N. E. hoisted our ensign 
and pendant. At 15 minutes past meridian, the ship 
hoisted her colors — an English ensign, having a sig- 
nal flying at her main. 

1 At 1, 26, P. M. being sufficiently from the land, 
and finding the ship to be an English frigate, took in 
the mainsail and royals, tacked ship and stood for the 
enemy. At I, 30, P. M. the enemy bore down with 
an intention of raking us, which we avoided by wear- 
ing. At 2 P. M. the enemy being within half a mile 
of us, and to windward, and having hauled down his 
colors except the union jack at the mizenmast head, 
induced me to give orders to the officers of the 3d di- 
vision to fire a gun ahead of the enemy, to make him 
show his colors, which being done, brought on a fire 
from us of the whole broadside, on which the enemy 
hoisted his colors, and immediately returned our fire. 
A general action with round and grape then com- 
menced ; the enemy keeping at a much greater dis- 
tance than 1 wished ; but could not bring him to a 
closer action, without exposing ourselves to several 
rakes. Considerable manceuvers were made by both 



HISTORY OF THE AVAR. 215 

vessels to rake and avoid being 1 raked. The follow- 
ing- minutes were taken during the action : 

* At 2, 10, P. M. commenced the action within 
good grape and canister distanee, the enemy to wind- 
ward, hut much farther than I wished. 

* At 2, 30, our wheel was shot entirely away. 

1 At 2, 40, determined to close with the enemy, not- 
withstanding bis raking:. Set the fore and mainsail, 
and luffed up close to him. 

* At 2, 50, the enemy's jib-boom got foul of our miz- 
zen rigging 1 . 

* At o, the head ofthe enemy's bowsprit and jib- 
boom shot away by us. 

' At 3, 5, shot away his fore-mast by the board. 
1 At 3, 15, shot away his main-top-mast just above 
the cap. 

' At 3, 40, shot away the gaff and sparker-boom. 

* At 3, 55, shot away his mizen-mast nearly by the 
board. 

* At 4, 5, having silenced the fire of the enemy com- 
pletely, and his colors in main rigging being down, 
supposed he had struck; then hauled down the courses 
to shoot ahead to repair our rigging, which was ex- 
tremely cut ; leaving the enemy a complete wreck ; 
soon after discovered that the enemy's flag was still 
flying. Hove too to repair some of our damage. 

* At 20 minutes past 4, the enemy's mainmast went 
nearly by the board. 

* At 50 minutes past 4, wore ship and stood for the 
enemy. 

* At 25 minutes past 5, got very close to the ene- 
my, in a very effectual raking position, thwart his 
bows, and was at the instance of raking him, when he 
most prudently struck his flag ; for had he suffered 
the broadside to have raked him, his additional loss 
must have been extremely great — as he laid an un- 
manageable wreck upon the water. After the ene- 
my had struck, wore ship and reefed the topsails — 
then hoisted out one of the only two remaining boats 
we had left out of eight, and sent Lieut. Parker, 1st 



216 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 

of the Constitution, to take possession of the enemy? 
which proved to be his Britannic Majesty's frigate 
Java, rated 08, but carried 49 guns, and manned with 
upwards of 4»)0 men, commanded by Capt. Lambert, 
a very distinguished officer, who was mortaly wound- 
ed. The action continued from commencement to 
the end of the fire, one hour and 55 minutes. 
The Java had her own complement of men complete, 
and upwards of one hundred supernumeraries, going 
to British ships of war to the East Indies — also sever- 
al officers, passengers, going out on promotion. 
Ti:e force of the enemy in number of men at the com- 
mencement of the action was no doubt considerably 
greater than we bave been able to ascertain, which is 
upwards of 400 men. The officers were extremely 
cautious in discovering the number. By her quater- 
bill, she had one man more stationed to each gun than 
we had. 

■ The Constitution was very much cut in her sails, 
and rigging, and many of her spars injured. 

* At" 7 P. M. the boat returned with Lieut. Chads 
tht.' first Lieut, of the enemy's frigate, and Lieut. Gen. 
Hislop,( appointed Governor ot Bombay) Maj. Wal- 
ker, and C ipt. Wood. 

* Capt. Lambert was too dangerously wounded to 
be removed immediately. The cutter returned on 
board the prize for the prisoners, and brought Capt. 
Marshall, master and commandant in the British na- 
vy, who was a passenger on board, also, several other 
naval officers. 

' The Java was an important ship, fitted out in the 
completest manner, to carry Lieut. Gen. Hisiop and 
staff to Bombay.' 

Letter above alluded fo,jrom an officer of the Java. 
Constitution, St. Salvador., Brazils Jan. 1st 1813. 
1 My dear sir — I am sorry inform you of the un- 
pleasant news of Mr. Gascoine's death. Mr. Gas- 
coineand myself were shipmates in the Marlborough, 
and first came to sea together. He was shot early ifl 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 217 

the action by around shot in his right thigh, and died 
in a few minutes afterwards. Four others of his mess- 
mates shared I he same fate, together with 60 men 
killed and 170 wounded. The official account >ou 
will no doubt have read before this reaches you I 
beg you will let all his friends and relations know of 
his untimely fate. 

■' We were on board the Java for a passage to India 
when we fell in with this frigate. — Two parcels I 
have sent you under good care, and hope this will 
reach you safely.' 

Yours truly, H. D. CORNECK. 

bieut. Peter V. Wood, 22cl regiment Jbot y 

Isle of France or Bourbon, East Indies. 

LAWRENCE'S VICTORY. 

Captain Lawrence to the Secretary of the Navy. 
U. S. Ship Hornet, Holmes' Hole, March 19, 1813. 

SIR— I have the honor to inform you of the arrival 
at this port, of the U. S. ship Hornet, under my com- 
mand, from a cruise of 145 days, and to state to you, 
that after Com. Bainbridge left the coast of Brazils, 
(on the 6th of January last) the Hornet continued off 
the harbor of St. Salvador, blockading the Bonne 
Citoyenne, until the 24th, when the Montagu, 74, 
hove in sight and chased me into the harbor ; but 
night coming on I wore and stood to the southward. 
Knowing that she had left Rio Janeiro for the express 
purpose of relieving the Bonne Citoyenne, and the 
Packet, (which I had also blockaded for fourteen 
days, and obliged her to send her mail to Rio, in a 
Portuguese smack) I judged it most prudent to 
change our cruising ground, and stood to the eastward, 
with the view of cruising off Pemambuco — and on. 
the 4th day of February, captured the English brig 
Resolution, from Rio Janeiro, bound to Moranham, 
with coffee, jerked beef, flour, fustic, and butter, and 
about "25,000 dollars in specie. As the brig sailed 
dull, and could ill spare hands to man her, I took out 
the money and set her on tire. I then run down the 
28 



218 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

coast for Moranham, and cruised there a short time:? 
from thence ran offSurrinam. Aft er cruising offthaS 
coast from the 5th to the 22d of February, without 
meeting a vessel, I stood for Demarara, with an inten- 
tion should I not be fortunate on that station, to run 
through the West Indies, on my way to the United 
Stales. But on the morning of the 24th, I discover- 
ed a brig to leeward, to which I gave chase ; ran into 
quarter less four, and not having a pilot, was obliged 
to haul off — the fort at the entrance of Demarara riv- 
er at this time bearing S. W. distance about 2 1-2 
leagues. Previously to giving up the chase, I dis- 
covered a vessel at anchor without the bar with Eng- 
lish colors flying, apparently a brig of war. In beat- 
ing round Corrobano bank, in order to get at her, 
at half past three P. M. I discovered another sail 
on my weather quarter, edging down for us. At 4, 
20, she hoisted English colors, at which time we dis- 
covered her to be a large man of war brig — beat to 
quarters, and cleared ship for action — kept close by 
the wind, in order if possible to get the weather guage. 
At 5, 10, finding I could weather the enemy, I hoist- 
ed American colors, and tacked. At 5, 20, in pas- 
sing each other, exchanged broadsides within half 
pistol shot. Observing the enemy in the act of wear- 
ing, I bore up, received his starboard broadside, ran 
him close on board on the starboard quarter, and 
kept up such a heavy and well directed fire, that in less 
than 16 minutes he surrendered, being literally cut to 
pieces, and hoisted an ensign, union down, from his 
fore rigging, as a signal of distress. Shortly after his 
mainmast went by the board. Despatched Lieut 
Shubrick on board, who soon returned with her first 
Lieut, who reported her to be his Britannic Majesty's 
late brig Peacock, commanded by Capt. William 
Peake, who fell in the latter part of the action — that 
a number of her crew were killed and wounded, and 
that she was sinking fast, having then six feet of wa- 
ter in her hold. Despatched the boats immediately 
for the wounded, and brought both vessels to anchor 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 219 

Such shot holes as could be got at, were then plug- 
ged; her guns thrown overboard, and every possible 
exertion used to keep her afloat, until the prisoners 
could be removed, by pumping and bailing, but with- 
out effect, and she unfortunately sunk in live and a 
half fathoms water, carrying down 13 of her crew, and 
three of my brave fellows. Lieut. Conner, midship- 
man Cooper, and the remainder of the Hornet's crew, 
employed in removing the prisoners, with difficulty 
saved themselves by jumping in a boat that was lying 
on her bows as she went down. Four men, of the 
13 mentioned, were so fortunate as to gain the fore- 
top, and were afterwards taken off by the boats. 
Previous to her ooinsr down, four of her men took to 
her stern boat, which had been much damaged during 
the action, who, I hope, reached the shore in safely ; 
but from the heavy sea running at the time, the shat- 
tered state of the boat, and the difficulty of landing on 
the coast, I much fear they were lost. I have not been 
able to ascertain from her officers the exact number 
killed. Capt. Peake and four men were found dead 
on board. The master, one midshipman, carpenter, 
and Captain's clerk, and 29 seamen were wounded, 
most of them very severely, three of whom died of 
their wounds alter being removed, and 9 drowned. 
Our loss was trifling in comparison ; being only 2 
killed and 3 wounded. Our rising and sails were 
much cut ; one shot through the foremast, and the 
bowsprit slightly injured. Our hull received little or 
no damage. At the time the Peacock was brought 
to action, the L'Espeigle, (the brig mentioned above 
as being at anchor) mounting 16 two and thirty pound 
carronades, and 2 long nines, lay about six miles in 
shore, and could plainly see the whole of the action. 
Apprehensive that she would beat out to the assistance 
of her consort, such exertions were made by my offi- 
cers and crew in repairing damages, <Scc. that by nine 
o'clock the boats were stowed, anew set of sails bent. 
and the ship completely ready for action, At 2 A. INT. 
got under way, and stood by the wind to the north- 
ward and westward, under easv sail. 



220 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 

On mustering 1 next morning, found we had 277 
souls on board, including the crew of the American 
brig Hunter, ot Portland, taken a tew days before 
by the Peacock. And, as we had been on two thirds 
allowance of provisions for some time, and had but 
3' 400 gallons of water on board, I reduced the allow- 
ance to three pints a man, and determined to make 
the best of my way to the United States. 

The Peacock was deservedly styled one of the fin- 
est vessels of her class in the British navy, probably 
about the totiage of the Hornet. Her beam was 
greater by five inches ; but her extreme length not so 
great by four feet. She mounted 16 twenty-four 
pound carronades, two long nines, one twelve pound 
carronade on her top-gallant forecastle, as a shifting 
gun, and one 4 or (3 pounder, and 2 swivels mounted 
att. I find by her quarter bill that her crew consisted 
of 134 men, four of whom were absent in a prize. 
With the greatest respect, &c. 

JAMES LAWRENCE. 

P. S. At the commencement of the action my sail- 
ing master and seven men were absent in a prize, and 
Lieut. Stewart and six men on the sick list. 



CHAPTER VII. 

CAPTURE OF LITTLE YORK. 

Major General Dearborn to the Secretary oi War. 

H cad-quarters, York, Capital of Upper Canada, 

April 2S(h, 1813. 

Sir - After a detention of some days by adverse 
winds, we arrived at this place yesterday morning, 
and at 8 o'clock commenced landing the troops about 
3 miles westward from the town, and one and a half 
from the enemy's works. The wind was high and 
in an unfavorable direction for the boats, which pre- 
vented the lauding of the troops at a clear field, the 



HISTORY OF THE WAH. Ill 

spite of the ancient French fort Tarento. It prevent- 
ed also many of the armed vessels from taking posi- 
tions, which would have most effectually covered our 
landing— ^-but every thing that could be done was ef- 
fected. 

The Riflemen under IVJajor Forsyth first landed, un- 
der a heavy tire from Indians and other troops. Gen. 
Sheaffe commanded in person. He had collected 
h:s whole force in the woods near the point where the 
wind compelled our troops to land. His force con- 
sisted of 700 regulars and militia, and 100 Indians. 
Major Forsyth was supported as promptly as possible; 
but the contest was sharp and severe for nearly half an 
hour, and the enemy were repulsed by a number far 
inferior to theirs. As soon as Gen. Pike landed with 
7 or 800 men, and the remainder of the troops were 
pushing for the shore, the enemy retreated to their 
works. Our troops were now formed on the ground 
originaly intended for their landing, advanced through 
a thick wood, and after carrying one battery by as- 
sault, were moving on in columns towards the main 
work : when in sixty rods of tins, a tremendous explo- 
sion took place from a magazine previously prepared, 
and which threw out such immense quantities of stone 
as most seriously to injure our troops. I have not yet 
been able to collect the returns of the killed and woun- 
ded ; but our loss will, I fear, exceed 100 ; and 
among these 1 have to lament the loss of that brave 
and excellent officer Brig. Gen. Pike, who received 
a contusion from a large stone, which terminated his 
valuable life within a few hours. His loss will be se- 
verely felt. 

Previously to this explosion the enemy had retired 
into the town, excepting a party of regulars, to the 
number of 40, who did not escape the effects of the 
shock, and were destroyed. 

General Sheaffe moved off with the regular troops, 
and left directions with the commanding officer of the 
militia to make the best terms he could. In the mean 



222 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 

time all further resistance on the part of the enemy 
ceased, and the outlines of a capitulation were agreed 
upon. 

As soon as I learned that Gen. Pike had been 
wounded, I went on shore. To the Gen. I had been 
induced to confide the immediate attack, from a 
knowledge that it was his wish, and that he would 
have felt mortified had it not been given to him. 

Every movement was under my view. The troops 
behaved with great firmness, and deserve much ap- 
plause, particularly those first engaged, and under 
circumstances which would have tried the steadiness 
of veterans. 

Our loss in the morning and in carrying the first 
battery was not great, perhaps 40 or 50 killed and 
wounded, and of them a full proportion of officers. 

Notwithstanding the enemy's advantage in position 
and numbers in the commencement of the action, 
their loss was greater than ours, especially in officers. 
It was with great exertion that the small vessels of 
the fleet could work into the harbor against a gale of 
wind, but as soon as they got into a proper position, 
a tremendous crjinonade opened upon the enemy's 
batteries, and was kept up against them, until they 
were carried or blown up, and had, no doubt, a pow- 
erful effect upon the enemy. 

Unfortunately the enemy's armed ship Prince Re- 
gent, left this place for Kingston a few days before 
we arrived. A large ship on the stocks nearly plank- 
ed up, and much naval stores, were set fire to by the 
enemy soon after the explosion of the magazine. A 
considerable quantity of military. stores and provisions 
remain, but no vessels fit for use. 

We have not the means of transporting the prison- 
ers, and must of course leave them on parole. 

1 hope we shall so far complete what is necessary 
to be done here, as to be able to sail to-morrow for 
Niagara, whither I send this by a small vessel, with 
notice to Gen. Lewis of our approach. 
I have the honor to be, &c. 

HENRY DEARBORN. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 2-23- 

Commodore Chauncey to the Secretary of the Navy. 
U. S. Ship Madison, off York, April 28, 1813. 
SIR — Agreeably to your instructions and arrange- 
ments made with Major-General Dearborn, I took on 
board of the squadron under my command the Gen. 
and suite, and about 1700 troops, and left Sacket's 
Harbor on the 25th inst. for this place. We arrived 
here yesterday morning and took a position about one 
mile to the south and westward of the enemy's prin- 
cipal fort, and as near the shore as we could with 
safety to the vessels. The place fixed upon by the 
Major-General and myself for landing the troops, 
was the scite of the old French fort Tarento. 

The debarkation commenced about 8 o'clock, 
A. M. and was completed about 10. The wind 
blowing heavy from the eastward, the boats fell to 
leeward of the position fixed upon, and were in con- 
sequence exposed toa galling fire from theenemy, who 
had taken a position in a thick wood near where the 
;first troops landed ; however, the cool intrepidity of 
the officers and men overcame every obstacle. Their 
attack upon the enemy was so vigorous, that he fled 
in every direction, leaving a great many of his killed 
and wounded upon the field. As soon as the troops 
were landed, I directed the schooners to take a posi- 
tion near the forts, in order that the attack on them 
by the army and navy might be simultaneous. The 
schooners were obliged to beat up to their position, 
which they did in a very handsome order, under a 
very heavy fire from the enemy's batteries, and took 
a position within about 600 yards of their principal 
fort, and opened a heavy cannonade upon the enemy 
which did great execution, and very much contribut- 
ed to their final destruction. The troops, as soon as 
landed, were formed under the immediate orders of 
Brig. Gen. Pike, who led in a most gallant manner 
the attack upon the forts, and after having carried two 
redoubts in their approach to the principal work, 
(the enemy having previously laid a train) blew up 
his magazine, which in its effects upon our troops was 



224 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

dreadful, having killed and wounded a great many, 
and amongst the former, the ever to be lamented 
Brig. General Pike, who fell at the head of his col- 
umn by a contusion received by a heavy stone from 
the magazine. His death at this time is much to be 
regretted, as he had the perfect confidence of the 
Major-General ; and his known activity, zeal, and 
experience, make his loss a national one. 

In consequence of the fall of General Pike, the 
command of the troops devolved for a time upon Col., 
Pierce, who soon after took possession of the town. 
At about 2 P. M. the American flag was substituted 
for the British, and at about 4, our troops were in 
quiet possession of the town. As soon as Gen. Dear- 
born learnt the situation of Gen. Pike, he landed and 
assumed the command. I have the honor of enclos- 
ing a copy of the capitulation which was entered into, 
and approved by Gen. Dearborn and myself. 

The enemy set fire to some of his principal stores, 
containing large quantities of naval and military stores, 
as well as a large ship upon the stocks nearly finished 
— the only vessel found here is the Duke of Glouces- 
ter, undergoing repairs — the Prince Regent left here 
on the 24th for Kingston. We have not yet had a 
return made of the naval and military stores, conse- 
quently can form no correct idea of the quantity, but 
have made arrangements to have all taken on board 
that we can receive — the rest will be destroyed. 

I have to regret the death of midshipmen Thomp- 
son and Rutfield, and several seamen killed — the ex- 
act number I do not know, as the returns from the 
different vessels have not yet been received. 
I have the honor to be, &c. 

ISAAC CHAUNCEY. 

TERMS OF CAPITULATION, 

Entered into on the 27lh of April 1813, for the sur- 
render of the town of York, in Upper Canada, to 
the army and navy of the United States, under the 
command of Major-Gen. Dearborn and Conn^o- 
dore Chauncey : 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 225 

That the troops, regular and militia, at this post, 
and the naval officers and seamen, shall be Surrender- 
ed prisoners of war. The troops, regular and militia, 
are to ground their arms immediately on parade, and 
the naval officers and seamen be immediately surren- 
dered. 

That all public stores, naval and military shall be 
immediately given up to the commanding officers of 
the army and navy of the Unted States. — That all 
private property shall be guaranteed to the citizens of 
the town of York. 

That ail papers belonging to the civil officers shall 
be retained by them - that such surgeons as may be 
procured to attend the wounded of the British regulars 
and Canadian militia shall not be considered prison- 
ers of war. 

That 1 Lieut. Colonel, 1 Major, 13 Captains, 9 
Lieutenants, 11 Ensigns, 1 Quarter-master, 1 deputy 
Adjutant-General, 19 Serjeants, 4 corporals, and 204 
rank and tile, of the militia. — Of the field train de- 
partment 1, of the provincial navy 21, of Ins Majesty's 
iroops 2, and of the Royal artillery 1 bombardier 
and 3 gunners, shall be surrendered as prisoners of 
war, and accounted for in the exchange of prisoners 
between the United States and Great-Britain. 
G. S. MITCHELL, Lt. Col. 3d A. U. S. 
SAMUEL S. CONNER, Maj and A. D. C. to 

Maj. Gen. Dearborn. 
WILLIAM KING, Maj. U.S. Infantry. 
JESSE D. ELLIOT, Lieut. U. S. Navy. 
W. CHEWTTT, Lt, Col. com. 3d Reg. Y. militia. 
W. ALLAN, Maj. 3d Reg. York militia. 
F. GAURREAU, Lieut. M. Dpt. 

Extract of a letter from Major- General Dearborn, 
to the Secretary of \] ar. 

Niagara, May 3, 1813. 
York was one immense magazine, which supplied 
Niagara, Detroit, and fort George. The troops were 
halted a few moments to bring up the heavy artillery 
29 



"226 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

to play on ihe block house, when Gen. Sheaffe des- 
pairing of holding- the town, ordered fire to be put to 
the principal magazine, in which was deposited 500 
barrels of powder, and an immense quantity of shells 
and shot. The explosion was tremendous, and rak- 
ed our column from front to rear with such effect that 
it killed 52, and wounded 180 of our men, among the 
latter was Brig. Gen. Pike, who died of his wounds 
shortly after. Notwithstanding this calamity, and 
the discomfiture that might be expected to follow it, 
the troops gave three cheers, instantly formed, and 
marched on for the tonn. Notwithstanding the im- 
mense amount destroyed by t! em, we found more 
public property than our vessels could bring away. 
Gen. Sheaffe's baggage and papers fell into my hands; 
they are a. valuable acquisition. A SCALP was 
found in the Executive and Legislative Council 
Chamber, suspended near the Speaker's chair. A 
statement of our loss, as well as that of the enemy is 
subjoined. 

AMERICAN LOSS. 

Killed in battle 14 — do. by the explosion 52 — 
total 66. 

Wounded in battle 23 — do. by the explosion 180 
— total 208 total killed and wounded 269. 

BRITISH LOSS. 

Killed in battle 75 — do. by their explosion 40 — 
total 115. 

Wounded in battle 62 — do. by their explosion 23 — 
total 85. 

Prisoners, militia 700 — do. regulars 50 — total 750 
total killed, wounded, and prisoners, 930. 

Brigadier Gen. Winchester, to the Secretary at War. 
Fort George, Upper Canada, Feb. 11, 1813. 
SIR — On the 23d ultimo, 1 had the honor of com- 
municating to your excellency the result of the action 
atFreothtown on the river Raisin, ol the preceding 
day. • T have it now in my power to transmit to you a 
more detailed account of that transaction-, together 



HISTORY OF THE WAtt. 227 

with a more minute statement of our loss. A list of 
the killed, and wounded, and missing', is herewith en- 
closed. The attack upon our camp was commenced 
about 6 o'clock in the morning, by a heavy fire of 
small arms, together with tiie discharge of G pieces of 
artillery, directed immediately at our lines, and the 
houses and temporary breatwork, from behind which 
a portion of our troops were engaged with the enemy. 
Early in the action a charge was made by the assail- 
ants; but the fire from our lines was so intense that 
they were quickly compelled to retire. 

In this charge the 4lst regiment of British regulars 
principally suffered, their loss during the charge and 
in the subsequent engagement, being very considera- 
ble. Out of three hundred of these troops about o() 
fell dead upon the field, and 90 or 100 wounded were 
removed from the ground. 

It is impossible to state with any degree of accuracy, 
the number of Canadian militia and Indians which 
•were killed or wounded during the engagement; it 
could, however not have been small, having received 
for three or four hours the constant fire of the musque- 
try and riflemen, from the breast-work under which 
they were formed. 'The action had endured about a 
quarter of an hour, when the right division of our 
troops, who were less secured by a breast-work, and 
exposed to a heavy fire from a body of Indians and 
militia, who had possessed themselves of some out- 
houses within their reach, were obliged to retreat 
from their lines in the encampment, for the purpose of 
occupying ground less exposed. This retreat being 
discovered by the enemy, the whole Indian force, to- 
gether viith a portion of the militia, bore down upon 
them with redoubled violence, and prevented, by their 
superiority of numbers and the severity of their tire, 
the practicability of ever again forming this portion of 
our troops in order of battle. It was from this divi- 
sion that our principal loss was sustained, few indeed 
having escaped. Every effort in vain was employed 
to form them in some order of action, as affording the 



228 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

only means of* either repellingthe pursuers or regain- 
ing' the temporary breast-work from behind which 
the remaining part of our troops still gallantly defend- 
ed themselves ; but every exertion was in vain em- 
ployed, and the very few who survived of the parfty sur- 
rendered as prisoners to the enemy. 

Our loss in this action will be ascertained by the list 
herewith enclosed. Among the killed, I have to la- 
ment several brave and valuable officers, some of 
whom had distinguished themselves in the action of 
the evening of the 18th, and fell on the 22d while un- 
availingly engaged in rallying the troops, who re- 
treated in disorder from the lines. Among those, I he 
loss of Col. John Allen, and M;ij. Elijah Mc C.ai.na- 
han, is to be particularly regretted, as also Capt. John 
H. Woo;fo!k,one of mv aids-de-camp \ their exertion! 
were unsuccessful, notwithstanding e\ery possible ex- 
ertion was employed ; they bravely fell in discharge 
of their respective duties While I regret the fate of 
those who bravely fell upon this occasion, I should do 
injustice to pass over, without notice, the few parta- 
kers in their danger, who were fortunate to survive 
them. To Lieut. Col. William Lewis, who com- 
manded on the 18th, and to Capt. John Overton, my 
aid-de-camp, who attended my person on the field, 
my thanks arte particularly due, for their prompt and 
•willing exertion, during every period of the conflict. 
To the officers and soldiers who bravely maintained 
their ground in the temporary fortifications, too much 
praise cannot be bestowed. Assailed by numbers,great- 
ly superior, suported by six pieces of artillery, 
they gallantly defended themselves with their small 
arms alone, for hear four hours of constant battle. 
]Mo troops ever behaved with more cool and determin- 
ed bravery ; from the commanding-officer down to 
the private soldier, there was scarce a single abandon- 
ment of duty ; and at the last when their ammunition 
•was nearly exhausted, and surrounded by the enemy, 
greatly superior in number and the means of war, sur- 
rendered with a reluctance rarely to be found upon 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 229 

similar occasions. The officers commanding- in the 
breast- work and whodeserve particular notice, if dis- 
tinction could easily be drawn, were Majs. Benjamin 
Graves and George Madison ; Capts. Hightower, 
Hart, Williams, Cholier, Sebree, Hamilton. K^leby, 
Bledsoe, Ballard, and James ; Bngade-Miij. James 
Garrard ; Adjt. John Mc Calla, and quarter-master 
Pollard Keen ; they defended themse ves to the last, 
with great gallantry, and merit my warmest gratitude, 
as well as the highest praise of their country. 

With sentiments of the highest respect, I am, sir, 
your obedint servant, J. WINCHESTER. 

17 ttegl. V. S. Infantry 
Killed and Missing 120,— Prisoners, 64, — total 184. 

Kentucky Volunteer Militia. 
Killed and Missing — 277 — Prisoners — 452. — total, 
729-of the missing 50 arrived at Gen. Harrison's Camp 
safe. Total killed, wouaded, and Missing, 8(53. 

The force of the enemy was about 1500, — they lost 
150 killed, and 158 wounded ; among the latter, were 
Col. Procter, and Lieut. Col. St. George. 

MASSACRE OF GEN. WINCHESTER'S ARMY. 

[The following Narrative of the Massacre at French- 
town, after Gen. Winchester s dejeat, was drawn up 
by Lieut. Baiter of the 2d Lieyt. U. 8. Infantry.] 
So much has been said about the Indian massacres 
at Frenchtown and its neighborhood, that something 
circumstantial from one who had an opportunity of 
acquiring information on the subject may not be un- 
acceptable to the public. I therefore submit the fol- 
lowing narrative. 

On the morning of the 22d of January, I was 
captured by the Indians about 9 o'clock, with anoth- 
er officer and about forty men. Closely pursued by 
an overwhelming force of Indians, we were endeav- 
oring to effect our escape, and had attained the dis- 
tance of a*»out three miles from Frenchtown, when an 
offer of quarter was made us by an Indian chief. 
Many Indian chiefs on horseback being in our 



230 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

rear, torn aha w king the hindmost, and withal the men 
being 1 much wearied with running through the 
deep snow, we concluded it best to accept the chief's 
proposition. Accordingly we assembled around him, 
and gave up the few remaining arms that were still 
retained in the flight. In a few minutes the Indians 
on foot came up, and notwithstanding the chief ap- 
peared solicitous to save, massacred about half our 
number. I was led back towards the river along the 
road we had retreated in. The dead bodies of my 
fellow comrades, scalped, tomahawked, and stripped, 
presented a most horrid spectacle to my view. I was 
at length taken to a fire near Col. Proctor, where I 
remained tilt our army capitulated, and marched by 
me towards Maiden. Major Madison,* as he was 
marching past, demanded me of the British officer 
commanding the guard, as an American officer; but 
the noble Briton replied with a sneer, ■ You have too 
many officers,' and ordered the column to advance 
Avhich had made a partial halt. I was taken to San- 
dy creek, about three miles off, on Hull's road, and 
there kept during the night with about 20 other pris- 
oners. Next morning my master left me in charge 
of the old Indian, and with the exception of 20 or 30, 
all the Indians in the camp went back towards the 
river Raisin. They returned about 2 o'clock, P. M. 
bringing a number of fresh scalps and about 30 pris- 
oners, many of whom were wounded, though with a 
single exception, none dangerously. I was told by 
the prisoners that the Indians had that morning re- 
turned to the village, and massacred Capt. Hickman 
and a great many others, and that they were fearful 

* After (he surrender of our troops to the British, at the rivet 
Raisin, the Indians, in violation of the articles cf capitulation, 
crowded among them, and were plundering their property — when 
the hemic Madison desired Col. Proctor to keep them off: — 'the 
Indians are fierce and unmanageable, (said Proctor) it cannd be 
dene' Madison cooly replied, ' if you cannot disperse (hem, I wiW 
— the men were ordered to shoulder their arms, and Proctor fear- 
ing that ' charge bayonet' would follow, waved bis sword, and the 
Indians instantly withdrew. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 231 

Maj. Graves and Capt. Hart were of the number; 
that some of the wounded had been scalped alive and 
burned in the houses. I had scarcely been told these 
things, when a volunteer who was standing by my 
side, was knocked down, scalped, and afterwards 
tomahawked. Three others were successively treat- 
ed in the same manner. 

Seven days afterwards, I was sold in Detroit to 
some American gentlemen, and the next day sent 
over to Sandwich, where I remained nearly three 
weeks. In this time I had an opportunity of making 
enquiry about the massacres, and found that GO had 
been massacred subsequent to the day of battle, and 
two officers the day on which the battle was fought, 
after they had surrendered. Of the first were Capt. 
JSL G. S. Hart of Lexington, Capt. Paschal Hickman 
of Franklin, John H. Wooltolk, Esq. the '< -eneral's 
Secretary ; and of the latter Capt. Virgil M'Cracken 
of Woodford, and Ensign Levi Wells, son of Col. 
Wells of the U. S. Infantry. Judge Wood ward has 
ascertained several instances of great barbarity exer- 
cised on our prisoners, which will appear as soon as 
that truly philantropic and patriotic gentleman returns 
to his own country. — 'Massacres were not only com- 
mitted on the 22d and 23d, but also on the 24th, 25th, 
and '2Gth, and even three weeks afterwards fresh 
scalps were brought into Maiden. 

Should this relation be doubted, many living wit- 
nesses of high standing for probity, may be found tf> 
attest them. 

Expedition against the Indians — Maj. Gen Sam- 
uel Hopkins, on the llth of Nov. 1812, marched 
with 1000 men under his command, from fort Harri- 
son, on an expedition to the Prophets town for thr- 
purpose of destroying their village, provisions, &c. 
On the morning of the 19th, a detachment of 300 
men destroyed a town, and a great quantity of corn, 
belonging to the Winebago tribe, lying on the Ponco* 



232 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

Passu creek, one mile from the Wabash, and four 
from the Prophets town. On the 20th, 21st, and 22d 
they destroyed, the Prophets town and a Kickapoo, 
vu age, o.i the opposite side of the river, consisting of 
upwards of 200 houses, a considerable quantity of 
corn, &c. 

On the 21st a large body of Indians were discovered 
about seven miles from the town, by a small party, 
who the Indians fired on, and killed one man; the 
next day Lent. Cols. Miller, and Wilcox, anxious 
to bury their comrade, as well as gain a more com- 
plete knowledge of the situation, and strength of the 
Indians, set out with a party of horsmen, consisting of 
about sixty ; the Indians had placed themselves in a 
strong place, on a ridge of -land, running between two 
large and rappid creeks, which could not be ascended 
only by a steep ravine, — our party returned, at. era 
smart skirmish, in which we lost, in killed, wounded, 
and missing, 18 men. On tie 24th, the main body of 
the army sta ted for the pupose of destroying the ene- 
my in their strong hold ; but when they arrived at the 
spot, they found they had fled, previous to the storm 
of snow, which fell very deep, x>n the 23d which pre- 
vented any further pursuit. 

Brig. Gen. Sniy1h.-~-\n November 1812, General 
Smyth issued several addresses to the inhabitants on 
the frontiers, for the purpose of raising volunteers, to 
cross into Canada opposite Niagara. — Including the 
regular army under his command, and the volunteers 
that repaired to his camp, he had, on the 27th .Nov. 
4000 men. Two parties were sent across the river 
to destroy abridge below fort Erie, and capture and 
spike the cannon in the batteries, and some pieces of 
light artillery. After accomplishing their object, the 
parties separated by misapprehension ; Lieut. Angus, 
the seamen, and a part of the troops returned with all 
the boats, while Capts. King, Morgan, Sproul, and 
Houston, with about 60 men, remained. The party 
thus reduced, took and rendered unserviceable two of 



HISTORY OF THE WAR, 233 

the enemies' batteries, captured 34 prisoners, and 2 
boats, in which Capt. King sent his prisoners, his own 
officers, and halt' of his men across, remaining him- 
self with 30 men, refusing to abandon them 

On the 30th Nov. Gen. Smyth again attempted to 
cross, with 3000 men, but by some misunderstanding 
o iiy a few would, or could be made to embark. 
The killed in both these attempts amounted to about 
20 — the wounded 30 — and prisoners 31. The ene- 
my lost 10 killed — 17 wounded, and 34 prisoners, 
besides an Indian chief. 



Capt. Forsi/th, commandant at Ogdensburg, cross- 
ed over to Elizabethtown on the 7th of February, 
1813, with about 200 volunteers from the militia and 
citizens, where they surprised the guard, took 42 pris- 
oners, with 1 Major, 3 Captains, 2 Lieutenants, and 
120 muskets, 20 rifles, two casks of fixed ammunition, 
and considerable other public property, which was 
effected without the loss of a man. 



CHAPTER VIII. 



Gen. Harrison to the Secretary at War* 
Head Quarters, Lower Sandusky, May 13, 1813. 

SIR — Having ascertained that the enemy (Indians 
as well as British) had entirely abandoned the neigh- 
borhood of the Ra oids, I left the command of camp 
Meigs with Gen. Clay and came here last night. It is 
with the greatest satisfaction, I inform you, sir, that I 
have every reason to believe, that the loss of the Ken- 
tucky troops iu killed on the north side of the rive* 
30 



234 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

does not exceed fifty. On the 10th and 11th inst. I 
caused the "round which was the scene of the action 
and its environs to be carefully examined, and after 
the most diligent search 4-3 bodies only of our men 
were discovered — among' them was the leader of 
the detachment, Col. Dudley. No other officer of note 
fell in the action. I have strong" reason to believe 
that a considerable number of the Kentuckians effect- 
ed their retreat up the river to fort Winchester. 
Gen. Procter did not furnish me with a return of the 
prisoners in his possession, although repeatedly prom- 
ised. His retreat Mas as precipitate as it could pro- 
perly be, leaving" a number of cannon ball, a new ele- 
gant sling-carriage for cannon, and other valuable ar- 
ticles. The night before his departure two persons 
that were employed in the British gun-boats (Ameri- 
cans by birth) deserted to us. The information they 
gave me was very interresting — they say that the In r 
dians, of which there were from 1600 to 2000, left the 
British the day before their departure in a high state of 
dissatisfaction, from the great loss which they had 
sustained in the several engagements of the 5lh, and 
the failure of the British in accomplishing their prom- 
ise of taking the post ai the Rapids. From the ac- 
count given by these men, niy^ripinion is comfirmed 
of the great superiority of the enemy which were de- 
feated by our troops in the two sallies made on the 
5th inst/ That led by Col. Miller did not exceed 3-30 
men, and it is very certain that they defeated 200 
British regulars, 150 militia, and 4 or 500 Indians. 
That American regulars (although they were raw re- 
cruits) and such men as compose the Pittsburg, Ptnn. 
and Petersburg, Va. volunteers, should behave well, 
is not to be wondered at — but that a company of mi- 
litia should maintain its ground against four times its 
numbers, as did Capl. Sebres, of the Kentucky, is 
truly astonish ng. These brave fellows were at 
length however entirely surrounded by Indians, and 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 235 

would have been entirely cut oft', but for ihe gallantry 
of Lieut. Gvvynne of the 19th regiment^ who, with 
part of Capt. Elliott's company, charged the enemy 
and released the Kentuckians. I inclose you a list 
of the kille-d and wounded during- the whole sei<>e. It 
is considerably larger than I had supposed it would 
be when I last wrote to you — but it is satisfactory to 
know that they did not bleed uselessly — but in the 
pourse of successful exertions. 

You will also receive herewith a monthly return of 
the troops at camp Meigs for the last month; the 
communication with the other post being cutoff, the 
returns were not received. A copy of Gen. Clay's 
report to me of the manner of his executing my order 
for the attack on the enemies batteries, is likewise 
forwarded, by which it will be seen that my intention 
was perfectly understood, and the great facility 
with which they might have been executed is appar- 
ent to every individual who witnessed the scene. In- 
deed the cannon might have been spiked, the car- 
riages cut to pieces, the magazine destroyed and the 
retreat effected to the boats without the loss of a man, 
as none were killed in taking the batteries, so com- 
plete was the surprize. 

An extensive open plain intervenes between the 
river and the hill upon which the batteries of the ene- 
my were placed ; this plain was raked by four of our 
eighteen pounders, a twelve and a six. The enemy, 
even before their guns were spiked, could not have 
brought one to bear on it. So perfectly secured was 
their retreat that 150 men who came off effected it 
without loss, and brought off some of the wounded, 
one of them upon the backs of his comrades. The 
Indians followed them to the woods, but dared not en- 
ter into the plain. 

I am unable to form a correct estimate of the ene- 
my's force. The prisoners varied much in their ac- 
counts ; those who made them least, stated the regu- 
lars at 550 and militia at 800 ; but the numbers of In- 
dians were beyond comparison greater than have 



236* HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

ever been brought into the field before ; numbers ar- 
rived after the seige commenced, and they were indeed 
the efficient force of the enemy. 

I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your 
humble servant. 

W. HARRISON. 

Return of the killed and wounded at the siege of fort 
]Vleigs, and the several sorties against the besiegers, 
Killed, 81.— Wounded, 189.— total 270. 

J. C. FALLAN, Asst. Adjt. Gen. 
The following conversation took place between Maj. 
Chambers, and Gen. Harrison, on a demand jor lite 
surrender oj fort Meigs, 

31 aj. Chambeis- — Gen. Proctor has directed me to 
demand the surrender of this post. He wishes to 
spare the effusion of blood. 

Gen, Harrison — The demand under present cir- 
cumstances, is a most extraordinary one. As Gen. 
Proctor did not send me a summons to surrender on 
his first arrival, I had supposed that he believed me de- 
termined to do my duty. His present message indi- 
cates an opinion of me that I am at a loss to ac- 
count for. ,+ 

Maj. Chambers — Gen. Proctor could never think 
of saying any thing to wound your feelings, sir, — - 
The character of Gen. Harrison, as an officer, is well 
known. Gen. Proctor's force is very respectable, and 
there is with him a larger body of Indians that have 
ever before been embodied. 

Gen. Harrison — I believe I have a very correct 
idea of Gen. Proctor's force, it is not such as to crt ate 
the least apprehension, for the result of the contest, 
whatever shape he may be pleased hereafter to give 
to it. Assuie the Gtn. however, that he will never 
have this post surrendered to him uj on any tt rms. 
Should it fall into his 1 ands, it will be in a manner 
calculated to do linn more honor, and to give him lar- 
ger claims upon the gratitude of Ins government, than 
any capitulation eouid possibly do. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 237 

CAPTURE OF FORT GEORGE. 

General Dsarbom to the Secretary of War — Head- 
quarters, Fort George (U. C.) May 27, 1813. 
SIR — The light troops under the commaiulof Co- 
lonel Scott and Major Forsyth, landed this morning 
at 9 o'clock. Major-general Lewis's division, with 
Colonel Porter's command of light artillery, supported 
by them. Gen. Boyd's btrigfule landed immediately 
after the light troops, and Gonerals Winder and Chan- 
dier in quick succession. The landing was warmly 
and obstinately disputed by the British forces ; but 
the coolness and intrepidity of our troops soon com- 
pelled them to give way in every direction. Gen. 
Chandler, with the reserve, composed of his brigade 
and Colonel Macomb's artillery covered the wnole. 
Commodore Chauncey had made the most judicious 
arrangements for silencing the enemy's batteries, near 
the point of landing. The army is under the great- 
est obligations to that able naval commander for his 
co-operation in all its important movements, and es- 
pecially in its operations this day. Oar batteries suc- 
ceeded in rendering Fort George untenable, and 
when the enemy had been beaten from his positions, 
and found it necessary to re-enter it, after tiring a few 
guns and setting tire to the magazines, which soon ex- 
ploded, he moved off rapidly by different routes. Our 
light troops pursued them several miles. The troops 
having been under arms from one o'clock, in the 
morning, were too much exhausted for any further 
pursuit. We are now in possession of Fort George 
and its immediate dependencies — to-morrow we pro- 
ceed further on. The behaviour of our troops, both 
ohHcers and men, entitles them to the highest praise ; 
and the difference in our loss with that of the enemy, 
when we consider the advantages his positions affor- 
ded him, is astonishing. — We had 17 killed and 45 
wounded. The enemy had 90 killed and 100 woun- 
ded of ihe regular troops. We have taken 100 pris- 
oners, exclusive to the wounded. — Col. Meyers of the 



238 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 

49th, was wounded and taken prisoner. Of otars, on- 
ly one commissioned officer was killed — Lieut. Hobart 
of the light artillery. 

I have the honor to be &c 

H. DEARBORN. 

Gen. Dearborn to the Secretary of War. 
Head-Quarters, Fort George, May 29, 1813. 
[Extract.] Lieut. Col. Preston took possession of 
fort Erie and its dependencies last evening, the post 
had been abandoned and the magazine blown up. 

I have ordered Gen. Lewis to return without delay 
to this place, and if the winds favor us, we may yet 
cut off the enemy's retreat. 

I was last evening honored with your despatch of 
the 15th inst. I have taken measures in relation to 
the 23 prisoners, who are to be put in close confine- 
ment. I have the honor, &e. 

H. DEARBORN. 

AMERICAN LOSS. 

Killed 39— wounded 111— total 1-50. 
British LOSS: 
Killed 108-wounded 1(53— Prisoners 622— total 893. 
E. BEEBE, Asst. Adjt Gen. 

Com, Chauncey to the Secretary of the Navy. 
U. S. Ship Madison, Niagara. May 28, 1813. 
SIR — Agreeably to arrangements which I have 
already had the honor of detailing to you, 1 left Jack- 
et's Harbor on the 22d inst. with about 350 of Col. 
M'Comb's regiment on board — the winds being light 
from the westward, I did not arrive in the vicinity of 
Niagara before the 25th ; the other parts of the squad- 
ron had arrived several days before, and landed their 
troops. The Fair America) i and Pert I had ordered 
to Sacket's Harbor, for the purpose of watching the 
enemy's movements at Kingston. I immediately had 
an interview with Gen. Dearborn, .or the purpose of 
making arrangements to attack the enemy as soon as 
possible, and it was agreed between him and myself 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 239 

to make the attack the moment that the weather was 
such as to allow the vessels and boats to approach the 
shore with safety. On the 2t>th, I reconnoitred the 
position for lauding- the troops, and at night sounded 
the shore, and placed buoys to sound out the stations 
for the small vessels. It was agreed between the 
Gen. and myself to make the attack the next morning; 
(as the weather had moderated, and had every ap- 
pearance of being favorable.) I took on board of the 
Madison, Oneida, and Lady of the Lake, all the 
heavy artillery, and as many troops as could be stow- 
ed. The remainder were to embark in boats and fol- 
low the fleet. At 3 yesterday morning the signal 
was made for the fleet to weigh, and the troops were 
all embarked on board of the boats before four, and 
soon after Generals Dearborn and Lewis came on 
board of the ship with their suites. It being howev- 
er nearly calm, the schooners were obliged to sweep 
into their positions. Mr. Trant in the Julia, and Mr. 
Mix in the Growler, I directed to take a position in 
the mouth of the river, and silence a battery near the 
light house, which from its position commanded the 
shore where the troops were to laud. Mr. Stevens 
in the Ontario, was directed to take a position to the 
north of the light house, so near the shore as to enti- 
lade the battery and cross the fire of the Julia and 
Growler. Lieut. Brown in the Governor Tompkins, 
I directed to take a position near to Two Mile creek, 
where the enemy had a battery with a heavy gun. 
Lieut. Petligrew in the Conquest, was directed to an- 
chor to the southeast of the same battery, so near in 
as to open on it in the rear, and cross the fire of the 
Governor Tompkins. Lieut. M'Pherson in the 
Hamilton, Lieut. Smith in the Asp, a. id Mr. Osgood 
in the Scourge, were directed to anchor close to the 
shore, and cover the landing of the troops, and to 
scour the woods and plain wherever the enemy made, 
his appearance. All these orders were promptly and 
gallantly executed* Ail the vessels anchored within 
musket shot of the shore, and in ten minutes after thev 



240 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

opened upon llie batteries, lie) were completely si- 
lenced and abandoned. 

Our troops then advanced in three brigades, the 
advance led b\ Coi. Scott, and landed near the tort, 
which had been silenced b\ Lieut. Brown. The en- 
emy, who had been concealed in a raune, now ad- 
vanced in great force to (he edge of the bank to 
charge our troops. The schooners opened so well di- 
rected and tremendous a tire ot grape and canister, 
that the enemy soon retreated from the bank. Our 
troops formed as soon as they landed, and in mediate*- 
ly ascended the bank, charged and routed the enemy 
in every direction, the schooners keeping up a con- 
stant well directed tire upon him in his retreat towards 
the' town. Owing to the wind's having sprung up 
very fresh from the eastward, which caused a heavy 
sea directly on shore, I was not enabled to get the 
boats off to land the troops tn.m the IVladison and 
Oneida, before the first and second brigades had ad- 
vanced. Capt. Smith with the marines, landed with 
Col. M'Comb's regiment, and I had prepared 400 
seamen, which I intended to land with myself, if the 
enemy had made a stand ; but our troops pursued him 
so rapidly into the town and tort George, that I found 
there was no necessity for more torce ', moreover, the 
wind had increased so much and hove such a sea on 
shore, that the situation of the fleet had become dan- 
gerous and critical. 1 therefore, made a signal for 
the fleet to weigh, and ordered them mto the river, 
where they anchored immediately after the enemy 
had abandoned fort George. The town and forts 
were in quiet possession of our troops at 12 o'clock, 
ai d the enemy retired in a direction towards Queens- 
town. 

Capt. Perry joined me from Erie on the evening of 
the 25th, and very gallantly volunteered his services, 
and I have much pleasure in acknowledging" ti 6 
great assistance which I received from h in. We 
lost but one killed and two wounded, and no injury 
done to the vessels. 

ISAAC CHAUJSCEY, 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 241 

Com. Chauncey to the Secretary of the Navy. 
tJ. S. Ship Madison, Sacket's Harbor, June 4, 1813. 
SIR — I have the honor to present to you by the 
hands of Lieut. Dudley, the British standard taken at 
York on the 27lh of April last, accompanied by the 
mace, over which hung a human bCALP. — These 
articles were taken from ihe Parlaiment house by one 
of my officers and presented to me. The scalp I 
caused to be presented to Gen. Dearborn, who I be- 
lieve still has it in his possession. I also send by the 
same gentleman, one of the British flags taken at fort 
George on the 27th of May. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

ISAAC CHAUNCEY. 

Lieut. Chauncey to Com. Chauncey, 

Sacket's Harbor, June 18, 1813. 
SIR — According to your orders of the 14th inst. 
I proceeded off Presque Isle in the schooner Lady of 
the Lake. On the morning of the 16th I fell in with 
and captured the English schooner Lady Murray, 
from Kingston bound lo York, loaded with provisions 
and ammunition. 

Enclosed is a list of one ensign, 15 non-commis- 
sioned officers and privates found on board, with 6 
men attached to the vessel. 

I have the honor to be, Sec. 

WOLCOTT CHAUNCEY. 

Battle at forty mile Creek, Upper Canada. 
Gen. Vincent having taken his stand at forty mile 
Creek, about 33 miles from fort George, after his de- 
feat at the fort, Brig. Gen. Winder was sent in pur- 
suit of him. On the 4th of June, Brig. Gen. Chand- 
ler, with another detachment, was sent off from fort 
George to reinforce Gen. Winder, and arrived at 
Head Quarters the 5th. A deserter from the Amer- 
ican camp informed Gen. Vincent of the situation of 
the army, and gave him the countersign ; in five min- 
utes the whole English army were in motion, and at 
31 



242 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

2 o'clock on the morning- of the 6th entered our camp. 
The two Generals Winder and Chandler, in endeav- 
oring to form the troops, and the deputy quarter-mas- 
ter General Vandeventer, were surrounded and taken 
prisoners. Our army formed immediately and at- 
tacked the enemy at the point of the bayonet, which 
soon occasioned a general route, the enemy taking" 
off his prisoners, and leaving Col. Clarke, sixty pris- 
oners, and 260 killed in our hands. Our loss was 17 
killed, 38 wounded, and 100 missing-— total 155 

ATTACK ON SACKETT'S HARBOR. 

Gen. Brown to the Secretary of War. 
'Head Quarters SaeketCs Harbor, June 1, 1813. 

On the 25th ultimo, I received a letter from Gen. 
Deal born, requesting- me to repair to this post for the 
purpose of taking- command. Knowing that Lieut. 
Col. Backus, an officer of the first regiment of dra- 
goons, and of experience, was here, I hesitated, as I 
would do no act which might wound his feelings. In 
the night of the 27th I received a note from this officer, 
by Maj. Swan, deputy quarter-master Gen. joining in 
the request already made by Maj. Gen. Dearborn. I 
could no longer hesitate, and accordingly arrived at 
this post early in the morning' of the 28th. These 
circumstances will explain how 1 came to be in com- 
mand upon this occasion. Knowing well the ground, 
my arrangements for defence, in the event of an attack, 
were soon made. 

In the course of the morning of the 28th, Lieut. 
Chauncey, of the navy, came in from the lake, tiring 
guns of alarm. Those of the same character, intended 
to bring in the militia, were tired from the posts. 
The enemy's fleet soon after appeared accompanied 
by a large number ot boats. Believing that he 
would land on the peninsula, commonly called Horse 
Island, I determined to meet him at the water's edge 
with such militia as 1 could collect and the Albany 
volunteers, under the command of Lieut. Col. Mills ; 
Lieut. Col. Backus, with the regulars, formed a se* 



o 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 243 

condline; the care of fort Tompkins was committed 
to the regular artillerists and some volunteers, and 
that of Navy Point to Lieut. Chauncey of the navy. 
If driven from my position, Lieut. Col. Backus, was 
ordered to advance and meet the head of the enemy's 
column, while rallying my corps. I was to fall on 
its flanks. If uuable here to resist the enemy's attack, 
Lieut. Chauncey was in that case to destroy the stores, 
ice. and retire to the south shore of the bay, east of 
Fort Volunteer, while I proceeded to occupy that 
fort as our dernier resort. 

In the course of the 27th and during the nights of 
the 28th, and 29th, ultimo, a considerable militia force 
came in, and were ordered to the water side near 
Horse Island, on which was Lieut. Col. Mills and 
his volunteers. Our strength at this point was now 
500 men — all anxious for battle, as far as profession 
would go. The moment it was light enough to dis- 
cover the approach of the enemy, we found his ships 
in line between Horse Island and Stony Point, and in 
a few minutes afterwards 33 large bo its filled with 
troops, came off to the larger Indian or Garden Island, 
under cover ot the fire of his gun boats. My orders 
were, that the troops should lie close and reserve 
their fire till the enemy had approached so near that 
every shot might hit its object. It is, however, im- 
possible to execute such orders with raw troops unac- 
customed to subordination. My orders were in this 
case disobeyed. The whole line fired, and not with- 
out effect— but in the moment while I was contem- 
plating this, to my utter astonishment, they rose from 
their cover and fled. Col. Mills fell gallantly in 
brave but in vain endeavors to stop his men. I was 
personally more fortunate. Gathering together about 
100 militia, under the immediate command of Capt. 
M'Nittof that corps, we threw ourselves on the rear 
of the enemy's left flank, and I trust, did some execu- 
tion. It was during this last movement that the re- 
gulars under Col. Backus, first engaged the enemy— 
nor was it long before they defeated him. 



244 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

Hurrying to this point of action, I found the battle 
atill raging-, but with obvious advantage on our side. 
The result of the action, so glorious for the officers 
and soldiers of the regular army, has already been 
communicated in my letter of the 29th. Had not 
Gen. Prevost retreated most rapidly under the guns 
of his vessels, he would never have returned to Kings- 
ton. 

The enemy's force consisted of 1000 picked men, 
led by sir George Prevost in person. Their fleet con- 
sisted of the new ship Wolfe, the Royal George, the 
Prince Regent, Earl of Moira, two armed schooners, 
and their gun and other boats. 

Lieut Col Tnttle was in march for this post, but 
with every exertion was unable to reach it in time to 
take part in the action. This is felt by the Col. and 
every officer of his detachment, as a misfortune. 

JACOB BROWN. Brig. Gen. A. Y. Militia. 

AMERICAN LOSS. 

Killed, 21.— Wounded, K4,— Missing, 50,— total 155, 
WM. SWANN. Act. Adjt. General. 

BRITISH LOSS. J 

Killed, 39,— Wounded, 112,— Prisoners, 35,— total, 
186. 

Gen. Lewis to the Secretary of War. 

Sacket's Harbor, July 20, 181S. 

[Extract.] Our fleet has gone out of the inner har- 
bor, and appearances are in favor ot" its going to sea 
in 48 hours at farthest. 

A little expedition of volunteers from the country, 
to which, by the advice of Com. Chauncey, 1 lent 40 
soldiers, sailed from hence three clays since on board 
of two small row boats, with a six pounder each, to 
the head of the St. Lawrence, where they captured a 
fine gun boat mounting a 24 pounder, 14 batteaux j 
loaded, 4 officers and 61 men. Two of our schoon*» 
ers went out and convoyed them in. 



€ 



HISTORY OF THE WiR. 245 

Gen. Harrison to the Secretary of [Far. 
Head-Quarters, Seneca, Aug. 5, 1813. 
I have the honor to enclose you Major Crogh m's 
report of the attack upon fort Stephenson, which has this 
moment come to hand. With great respect, Sec. 

W. H. HARRISON. 

Major Croghan to Gen. Harrison. 

Lower-Sandusky, Aug. 5, 1813. 
Dear Sir — I have the honor to inform you that the 
combined force of the enemy, amounting to at least 
500 regulars and seven or eight hundred Indians, 
under the immediate command of Gen. Proctor, made 
its appearance before this place, early on Sunday 
evening last, and as soon as the Gen. had made such 
disposition of his troops as would cut off my retreat, 
should I be disposed to make one, he sentCd. Elliott, 
accompanied by Major Chambers, with a flag, to de- 
mand the surrender of the fort, as he was anxious to 
spare the effusion of blood, which he should probably 
not have in his power to do, should he be reduced to 
the necessity of taking the place by storm. My an- 
swer to the summons was, that I was determined to 
defend the place to the last extremity, and that no force 
however large, should induce me to surrender it. So 
soon as the flag had returned, a brisk fire was opened 
upon us from the gun boats in the river and from a 
6 1-2 inch howitzer on shore, which was kept up with 
little intermission throughout the night. At an early 
hour the next morning, three sixes (which had been 
placed during the night within 250 yards of the pick- 
ets) began to play upon us, but with little effect. 
About 4 o'clock P. M. discovering that the fire from 
all his guns were concentrated against the north- 
western angle of the fort, I became confident that his 
object was to make a breach, and attempt to storm the 
works at that point. I therefore ordered out as many 
men as could be employed for the purpose of strength- 
ening that part, which was so effectually secured by 
JUeaus of bags of flour, sand, &c. that the picketing 



246 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

suffered little or no injury ', notwithstanding which, 
the enemy about 500, having 1 formed in a close col- 
umn advanced to assault our works at the expected 
point, at the same time making two feints on the front 
of Capt. Hunter's lines. The column which advanc- 
ed against the north-western agle, consisting of about 
350 men, was so enveloped in smoke, as not to be 
discovered until it had approached within 18 or 20 
paces of the lines, but the men being all at their posts 
and ready to receive it, commenced so heavy and gal- 
ling a tire as to throw the column a little into 'confu- 
sion ; being quickly rallied it advanced to the outer 
works and began to leap into the ditch. Just at that 
moment a fire of grape was opened from our 6 poun- 
der (which had been previously arranged so as to 
rake in that direction) which together with the mus- 
ketry, threw them into such confusion that they were 
compelled to retire precipitately to the woods. 

During the assault, which lasted about half an hour, 
an incessant fire was kept up by the enemy's artillery 
(which consisted of five sixes and a howitzer) but 
without effect. My whole loss during the siege was 
one killed and seven wounded slightly. — The loss of 
the enemy in killed, wounded, and prisoners, must 
exceed 150; one Lieut. Colonel, a Lieut, and fifty 
rank and file were found in and about the ditch, dead 
or wounded. Those of the remainder who were not 
able to escape, were taken off during the night by the 
Indians. Seventy stand of arms, and several braces 
of pistols have been collected near the works. About 
three in the morning the enemy sailed down the riv- 
er, leaving behind them a boat containing clothing 
and considerable military stores. 
Yours with respect. 
G. CROGHAN, Maj. 17th U. S. Infantry. 

By a letter from Gov. Huntington, dated Loner 
Sandusky, Aug. 4, it appears that Major Croghan's 
force was 1(30, and that of the enemy 800. It further 
states that the enemy lost 10 men killed in the ditch 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 247 

with Lieut. Col. Short, and several officers; and 
about the same number of regulars while advancing 
to the attack, besides Indians. Our loss was one 
killed, and rive wounded. — The enemy 8-3 killed and 
25 prisoners.' 

* What will Gen. Proctor say, when he finds he has 
been baffled by a youth but just passed his 21st year. 
He is, however, a" Hero worthy of his gallant uncle 
Gen. George R. Clarke.' [See Gen. Harrison to J he 
Secretary of War.] 

LOSS OF THE CHESAPEAKE. 

Lieut. Budd to the Secretary of the JSavy. 

Halifax, June lo, 1813. 

SIR — The unfortunate death of Capt. James Law- 
rence and Lieut. Augustus C Ludlow, has rendered 
it my duty to inform you of the capture of the late 
U. States Frigate Chesapeake. 

On Teusday, June 1, at 8 A. M. we unmoored 
ship and at meridian got under way from President's 
Roads, with a light wind from the southward and 
westward, and proceeded on a cruise. A ship was 
then in sight in the offing which had the appearence 
of a ship of war, and which, from information received 
from pilot boats and craft, we believed to be the Brit- 
ish Frigate Shannon. We made sail in chase and 
cleared ship for action. At half past 4 P. M. she hove 
to, with her head to the southward and eastward. 
At 5 P. M. took in the royals and top-gallant-sails 
and at half past five hauled the courses up. About 15 
minutes before G P. M. the action commenced within 
pistol shot. The first broadside did great execution 
on both sides, damaged our rigging, killed among 
others Mr. White the sailing master, and wounded 
Capt. Lawrence. In about 12 minutes after the com- 
mencement of the action, we fell on board of the en- 
emy and immediately alter one of our arm chests on 
.the quarter-deck was blown up by a hand grenade 
thrown from the enemy's ship. In a few minutes one 
of the Captain's aids came on the gun deck to inform 
me that the boarders were called. I immediately 



248 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

called the boarders away and proceeded to the spar 
deck, where I found that the enemy had succeeded in 
boarding us and h d gained possession of our quarter 
deck. I immediately gave orders to haul on board 
the fore tack, for the purpose of shooting the ship 
clear of the other, and then made an attempt to re- 
gain the quarter deck, but was wounded and thrown 
down on the gun deck. 1 again made an effort to col- 
lect the boarders, but in the mean time the enemy had 
gained complete possession of the ship. On my being 
carried down to the cock-pit, I there found Captain 
Lawrence and Lieut. Ludlow both mortally wound- 
ed ; the former had been carried below previously to 
the ship's being boarded ; the latter was wounded in 
attempting to repel the boarders. Among those who 
fell early in the action was Mr. Edward J. Ballard, 
the 4th Lieut, and Lieut. James Broom of marines. 

I herein enclose to you a return of the killed and 
wounded, by which you will perceive that every offi- 
cer, upon whom the charge of the ship would devolve, 
was either killed or wounded previously to her cap- 
ture. The enemy report the loss of Mr. Watt, their 
first Lieut, the purser, the Captain's clerk, and 23 
seamen killed; and Capt. Broke, a midshipman a. id 
56 seamen wounded. 

The Shannon had, in addition to her full comple- 
ment, an officer and 16 men belonging to the Belle 
Poule, and a part of the crew belonging to the Ten- 
dos. I have the honor to be, Sec. 

GEORGE BUDD. 

Killed on board the Chesapeake 60 — wounded 86. 

Commodore Chauncey to the Secretary of the Navy. 
U.S. ship Gen. Pike, Niagara, Aug 4, 1813. 
[Extract] Ou the 25th I was joined by the Pert, 
and on the 27th by the Lady of the Lake with guides, 
and Capt. Crane's company of artillery, and Col. 
Scott, who had very handsomely volunteered for the; 
service — After conversing with Col. Scott unon the 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 249 

subject, it was thought advisable to take on board 230 
Infantry, which by the extraordinary exertions of that 
excellent officer, were embarked before six o'clock 
the next morning ; we arrived and anchored in the 
harbor of York, at about 3 P. M. on the 31st, run 
the shooners into the up er harbor, landed the marines 
and soldiers under the command of Col. Scott, with- 
out opposition, found several hundred barrels of flour 
and provisions in the public storehouse, five pieces of 
cannon, eleven boats, and a quantity of shot, shells and 
other stores, all which were either destroyed or 
brought away. On the 1st inst. just after receiving' 
on board all the vessels could take, I directed the 
barracks and the public store houses to be burnt ; we 
then re-embarked the men and proceeded for this 
place, where I arrived yesterday. Between 4 and. 
500 men left York for the head of the lake two days 
before we'arrived there. Some few prisoners were 
taken, some of whom were paroled, the others have 
been landed at Fort George. 

I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully your 
obedient servant. ISAAC CHAUNCE Y. 

Burning of Sodus, N. Y. — Sodus was the first 
town burnt in this war. This was a handsome little 
village of about 40 houses. The British appeared off 
the place, the 17th June, 1813, but finding a consider- 
able militia force, put off into the Lake. The mili- 
tia were disbanded on the 20th, when the enemy 
again returned, and effected a landing. — Finding the 
public stores, chiefly removed, they immediately set fire 
to every valuable house in the village, and returned to 
their vessels, after suffering a loss of 4 killed, and sev- 
eral wounded, by a few citizens. The enemy's force 
consisted of the Royal George, Earl Moira, Prince 
Regent, Simcoe Schr. and several small boats and 
tenders. 

Attack on Craney Island. (Vir) — On the 20th 
June, the British attempted a landing on this lslaud ; 
33 



-250 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

for the purpose of more easily conquering Norfolk. 
Thirteen ships of the line anchored off James river, 
from which about 3500 troops were embarked for 
Craney Island. — Com. Cassin, of the gun boats and 
Capt. Morris of the Constellation frigate manned two 
batteries with 250 men on the point of the Island to 
receive them ; the remainder of the force, 200 were 
stationed on the beach. At 8 o'clock the barges at- 
tempted to land, but were driven back, with the loss of 
250 killed and wounded, and 45 prisoners, and their 
largest barge, which was sunk, with 75 men on board ; 
the boat and 20 men were finally saved by the Amer- 
icans — our loss was 28 killed and wounded. 

Capture of Hampton. — The 25th of June, the force 
that attempted Craney Island, landed at Hampton, 
and carried it after a gallant defence made by our 
militia, 436 strong, for forty-five minutes. The enemy 
attacked us by land and water ; their land force was 
about 2500 strong, of whom 400 were riflemen. Af- 
ter our men were completely surrounded, they saw 
that they must either surrender, or, break their way 
through the enemy's lines. They resolved upon the 
latter, when the gallant Maj. Crutchjield, led them on, 
and broke the lines, and made good their retreat, af- 
ter killing and wounding 200 of their adversaries. 
Our loss on this occasion was seven killed, twelve 
wounded, and twelve prisoners. 

Ascene now commenced sufficient to chill the blood 
of the Savages, and even put them to the blush. 

'To give you, sir, (says Maj. Crutchfield in his offi- 
cial account to Gov. Barbour,} an idea of the savage- 
like disposition of the enemy, on their getting possession 
of the neighborhood, would be a vain attempt. Al- 
though Sir Sidney Beck with assured me that no un- 
easiness need be felt, in relation to the unfortunate 
Americans, the fact is that on yesterday, [two days af- 
ter the battle,] there were several dead bodies lying 
unburied, and the wounded not even assisted into the 
town, although observed to be crawling through the 
fields towards a cold and inhospitable protection. 



HISTORY OF THE WAK. 2H 

* The unfortunate females of Hampton, who could 
not leave the town, were suffered to be abused in the 
most shameful manner, not only by the venal savage 
foe, but by the unfortunate and infatuated blacks who 
were encouraged in their excesses. They pillaged 
and encouraged every act of rapine and murder, kil- 
ling a poor man, by the name of Kirby who had been 
lying on his bed at the point of death, for more than six 
weeks, shooting his wife at the same time in the 
kip, and killing his faithful dog lying under his feet. 
The murdered Kirby was lying last night, welter- 
ing in his blood.' 

Extract from a letter of Capt. Cooper, to Lieut. 
Gov.Mallory* — 'The enemy took possession of Hamp- 
ton, with upwards of 2000 men against those above 
mentioned, with the immense loss of upwards of 200 
killed and wounded, on their part. We had about 5 
killed, 10 wounded, and 4 prisoners, — the ballance 
have been accounted for. 

* I was yesterday in Hampton with my troop, that 
place having been evacuated in the morning. — My 
blood ran cold at what I saw and heard. — Tears were 
shedding in every corner, — the infamous scoundrels, 
monsters, destroyed every thing, but the houses, and 
(my pen is almost unwilling to describe it,) the wo- 
men were ravished by those abandoned ruffians. — Great 
God ! my dear friend, figure to yourself our Hamp- 
ton females, siezed, and treated with violence by 
those monsters, and not a solitary American present 
to avenge their wrongs ! ! But enough — I can say 
no more of this.' 

Certificate. The enemy robbed the Pulpit and 
Communion Table, in the Episcopal Church, of all 
the trappings, &c. together with all the plate, al- 
though inscribed with the name of the Donor, and of 
the parish to which they belonged. They committed 
Rape in many instances and murdered a sick man in 
his bed, and shot a ball through his wife's thigh ; they 
wantonly destroyed every species of property that 



252 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

they had no use for, and, in fact, even stripped the 
shut off the back of Georye Hope, seii'r. about 70 
years of age, and took the shoes from his feet, after 
pricking him with the ba\onet. 

JOHN WEST WOOD, Hampton. 

Murder of John B. Graves. — Mr. Graves was a 
member of the 23d regt. Infantry, and was wounded 
through the arm at the attack on Sackett's Harbor in 
May, and was removed to Oswego. When Oswego 
was attacked, Graves had so far recovered as to be 
able to load and fire — and stood his ground like a 
hero. Unfortunately he was again wounded, and 
carried to a log house with two others. Our men 
shortly after retreated, and an English officle, 
a Lieutenant, came to the door of the house, and pre- 
sented a fuzee at him ; upon w Inch Graves exclaimed 
' O mercy, J or heavetCs sake, sheiv me tnercy ; dont 
shoot me ayain, J am baaly wounded.] The officer 
cocked his piece, which was within its own length of 
Graves, weltering in his blood, and with an internal 
grin, said « i'll. shew you meicy, goddamn 
YOU,' and immediately discharged its contents, a ball 
and three buckshot into his breast. This inhuman 
villain soon niet his reward, for scarcely had he turn- 
ed his eyes from the object of his barbarity, when he 
was shot through the brain, and fell dead almost w lth- 
in reach of Graves. 

Skirmishing at fort Georye, V. Canada. 

On the 14th ot Aug. 1S13, Gen. Proctor attacked 
our pickets at day break ;— after a snort engagement 
in which the enemy had 15 killed, and oneCapt. and 
several privates made prisoners, our torce retired to 
the fort with the loss ot 2 killed and several wounded. 

On the night of the 17th, our troops and a few In- 
dians formed an ambuscade, about 300 strong, im- 
mediately in front of the British camp — at day light 
our Indians rose and gave the war-hoop, and the en- 
emy considering it a friendly call, came tortli, and 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 253 

were within half nfle shot before they discovered the 
stratagem. They were met upon all Sides, and made 
but little resistance ; 75 being- killed the first shot, 
and the remainder, 16, surrendered as prisoners. 

Col. Wm. Russelly of Vincennes, with 573 men 
chiefly volunteers, from Kentucky and Ohio, march- 
e i from Villoma on the 25th June, for the purpose of 
relieving the frontier inhabitants of the savages. In 
marching through their country four weeks they suc- 
ceeded in destroying sixteen of their villages, and a 
Considerable quantity of corn, 8cc. and returned with- 
out the loss of a single man, bringing in several pris- 
oners, and 10 horses which the Indians had pillaged 
a few days before of the inhabitants. 

A Yankee trick. — On the 5th of July, 1813, Com. 
Lewis, commandant of the flotilla of Gun Boats at 
New- York, sent out the fishing smack Yankee from 
Musqu.to cove, for the purpose of taking by strata- 
gem, the sloop E igle, a tender to the Poictiers of 74 
guns, which had been very troublesome to the fisher- 
men off Sandy Hook where they were cruising. A 
calf, a sheep, and a goose were purchased and secured 
on deck ; and between 30 and 40 men, well armed 
with muskets, were secreted in the cabin and fore- 
peak of the smack. Thus prepared, with 3 men 
dressed in fishermen's clothes on deck, she put out to 
sea as if going on a fishing trip. The Eagle on per- 
ceiving the smack gave chase, and after coming up 
with her, seeing she had live stock on deck, ordered 
her to go down to the Commodore, about five miles 
distant. The helmsman cried * ave aye sir,' and ap- 
parently put up the helm for that purpose, which 
brought her alongside the Eagle, not more than three 
yards distant. The watch-word, LawruQce, was then 
given, when the armed men rushed from their hiding- 
places and poured into her a volley of musketry, 
which struck her crew with dismay, and drove them 
all into the hold with such precipitancy, that they had 



264 HISTORY OF THE WAH. 

not time to strike their colors. The Eagle had on 
board a 32 pound brass howitzer, loaded with shot ; 
but their surprise was so sudden that they had not 
time to fire it. The crew consisted of a master, one 
midshipman, and 11 marines from the Poictiers. 
The prize arrived at Whitehall, amidst the shouts of 
thousands who were celebrating the 4th of July. 

CAPTURE OF THE BOXER. 

Lieut. M' Callj to the Secretary of the Navy. 
U. S.Brig Enter prize. Port/and, 1th Sept. 1813. 

SIR — In consequence of the unfortunate death of 
Lieut, commandant William Burrows, late command- 
er of this vessel, it devolves on me to acquaint you with 
the result of the cruize. After sailing from Ports- 
mouth on the 1st "inst, we steered to the eastward; 
and on the morning of the 3d, oft' Wood Island, dis- 
covered a schooner, which we chased into this harbor, 
where we anchored. On the morning of the 4th, 
weighed anchor and swept out, and continued our 
course to the eastward. Having received informa- 
tion of several privateers being off Manhagan, we 
stood for that place ; and on the following morning, 
in the bay near Penguin Point, discovered a brig get- 
ting under way, which appeared to be a vessel of war, 
and to which we immediately gave chase. She fired 
several guns and stood for us, having four ensigns 
hoisted. After reconnoitering and discovering her 
force, and the nation to which she belonged, we haul- 
ed upon a wind to stand out of the bay, and at 3 
o'clock shortened sail, tacked to run down with an in- 
tention to bring her to close action. At twenty min- 
utes after 3 P. M. when within half pistol shot, the 
tiring commenced from both, and after being warmly 
kept up, and with some manoeuvring, the enemy hail- 
ed and said they had surrendered, about 4 P. M. — 
their colors beiny nailed to the masts, could not be 
hauled down. She proved to be his B. M. brig Box- 
er, of 14 guns, Samuel Blylhe, esq. commander, 
who fell in the early part of the engagement, having 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 25-5 

received a cannon shot through the body- And I am 
sorry to add that Lieut. Burrows, who had gallantly 
led us into action, fell also about the same time by a 
musket ball, which terminated his existance in eight 
hours. 

The Enterprize suffered much in spars and rigging, 
and the Boxer in spars, rigging and hull, having 
many shots between wind and water. 

As no muster roll that can be fully relied on has 
come into my possession, I cannot exactly state the 
number killed and wounded on board the Boxer, but 
from information received from the officers of that 
vessel, it appears there were between twenty and 
twenty-live killed, and fourteen wounded. Enclosed 
in a list of the killed, and wounded on board the En- 
terprze. I have the honor to be, &c. 

EDWARD R. M'CALL, Senior Officer. 

AMERICAN LOSS. 

Killed 4, — Wounded, 10,— total 14. 

BRITISH LOSS. 

Killed 2-5,— Wounded, 14,— total 39. 



CHAPTER IX. 

PERRY'S VICTORY. 

Com. Perry to the Secretary of the Navy. 
U. S. brig Niagara, Lake Erie, Sept. 10, 1813. 
oIK— It has pleased the Almighty to give to the 
arms of the U. States a signal victory over their ene- 
mies on this lake. The British squadron consisting 
of 2 ships, 2 brigs, 1 schooner, and one sloop, have 
this moment surrendered to the force under my com- 
mand, after a sharp conflict. I have the honor to 
he * c O.H.PERRY. 



256 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

Com. Perry to the Secretary of the Navy. 
r. S.sch. Ariel, Put-in-bay, Sept. 13, 1813. 
SIR — In ray last I informed you that we had cap- 
tured the enemy's fleet on this lake. I have now the 
honor to give you the most important particulars of 
the action. On the morning- of th6 10th inst. at sun- 
rise, they were discovered from Put-in-Bay, where I 
lay at anchor with the squadron under my command. 
We grot under weioh the wind li»ht at S. W. and 
stood for them. At 10 A. M. the wind h'auled to S. 
JE. and*brought Us to windward ; formed the line and 
bore up. At 15 minutes before twelve, the enemy 
commenced firing; ; at 5 minutes before twelve the 
action commenced on our part. Finding their fire 
very destructive, owing- to their long guns, and its be- 
ing mostly directed at the Lawrence, I made sail, and 
directed the other vessels to follow for the purpose of 
closing with the enemy. Every brace and bowline 
being soon shot away, she became unmanageable, 
notwithstanding the great exertions of the sailing- 
master. In this situation she sustained the action up- 
wards of two hours within canister distance, until eve- 
ry gun was rendered useless, and the greater part of 
her crew either killed or wounded. Finding she 
could no longer annoy the enemy, I left her in charge 
of Lieut. Yarnall, who, I was convinced from the 
bravery already displayed by him, would do what 
would comport with the honor of the flag. At half 
past two, the wind springing up, Capt. Elliott, was 
enabled to bring his vessel, the Niagara, gallantly in- 
to close action ; I immediately went on board of her, 
■when he anticipated my wish by volunteering to bring 
the schooners which had been kept astern by the light- 
ness of the wind, into close action. It was with un- 
speakable pain that 1 saw soon after I got on board 
the Niagara, the flag of the Lawrence come down, 
although I was perfectly sensible that she had been 
defended to the last, and that to have continued to 
make a show of resistance would have been a wanton 
sacrifice of the remains of her brave crew. But the 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 257r 

enemy was not able to take possession of her, and 
circumstances soon permitted her flag again to be hoist- 
ed. At 45 minutes past 2 the signal was made for 
' close action.' The Niagara, being very little injur- 
ed, I determined to pass through the enemy's lines, 
bore up and passed ahead of their two ships and a 
brig, giving a raking fire to them from the starboard 
guns, and to a large schooner, and sloop, from the 
larboard side, at half pistol-shot distance. The smal- 
ler vessels at this time having got within grape and 
canister distance, under the direction of Capt. Elliott, 
and keeping up a well directed fire, the 2 ships, a brig, 
and a schooner, surrendered, a schooner and sloop, 
making a vain attempt to escape. 

Those officers and men who were immediately un- 
der my observation evinced the greatest gallantry, and 
I have no doubt that all others conducted themselves 
as became American officers and seamen. Lieut. 
Yarnall, first of the Lawrence, although several times 
wounded, refused to quit the deck. 

1 have the honor to enclose you a return of the kil- 
led and wounded, together with a statement of the 
relative force of the squadrons. The Capt. and first 
Lu j ut. of the Queen Charlotte, and first Lieut, of the 
Detroit were killed — Capt. Barclay, senior officer, 
and ihe commander of the Lady Prevost, severely 
wounded. Tne commander of the Hunter and Chip- 
peway slightly wounded. Their loss in killed and 
wounded I have not been able to ascertain, it must 
however have been very great. 
Very respectfully. &c. 

O. H. PERRY. 

U. S Schooner Ariel, Put-in-bay, Sept. 13, 1813. 
SIR — F have caused the prisoners taken on the 10th 
hist, to be landed at Sandusky, and have requested 
Gen. Harrison to have them marched to Chilicothe, 
and there wait until your pleasure shall be known re- 
specting them. 

33 



258 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

The Lawrence has been so entirely cut up, it is 
absolutely necessary she should go into a safe harbor ; 
I have therefore directed Lieut. Yarnall to proceed 
to Erie in her, with the wounded of the fleet, and dis- 
mantle and get her over the bar as soon as possible. 

The two ships in a heavy sea this day at anchor 
lost their masts, being- much injured in the action. 
I shall haul them into the inner bay at this place and 
moor them for the present. The Detroit is a re- 
markably fine ship, sails well, and is very strongly 
built. The Q,ueen Charlotte is a much superior ves- 
sel to what has been represented. The Lady Prevost 
is a large fine schooner. 

I also beg your instructions respecting the wound- 
ed. I am satisfied, sir, that whatever steps I might 
take governed by humanity, would meet your appro- 
bation. Under this impression, I have taken upon 
myself to promise Capt. Barclay, who is very danger- 
ously wounded, that he shall be landed as near lake 
Ontario as possible, and I had no doubt you would 
allow me to parole him. He is under the impression 
that nothing but leaving this part of the country will 
save his life. There is also a number of Canadians 
among the prisoners, many who have families. 
I have the honor to be, &c. 

O. H. PERRY. 

Statement of the force of the American squadron 
Lawrence 20 guns— Niagara 20 — Caledonia 8 — 
Ariel 4 — Scorpion 2 — Somers 4 — Trippe 1 — 
Tigress 1 — Porcupine 1 total 54 guns. 

Statement of the force of the British squadron. 
Detroit 21 guns — Queen Charlotte 18 — Lady Pre- 
vost 14— Hunter 10— Little Belt 3— Chippeway 3— 
total 63 guns. 

The exact number of the enemy's force has not 
been ascertained, but 1 have good reason to believe 
that it exceeded ours by nearly 100 men. 



HISTORY OP THE WAR. * . 259 

M •■•- AMERICAN LOSS. 

Killed on board the Lawrence, 22, Wounded 01. 
Niagara 2 ; Wounded 25— Calledonia Wounded 3. 
Somers 2 wounded — Ariel Killed 1, Wounded 3. — 
Trippe wounded 2— Scorpion Killed 2— total killed 
and wounded 123. 

CAPTURE OF THE DOMINICO. 

Capt. John H. Dent to the Secretary of the Navy. 
Charleston, Aug-. 21, 1813. 

[Extract] I have the honor to inform you that the 
privateer schooner Decatur, of this port, arrived here 
yesterday, with H. B. M. schooner Dominico, her 
priae. 

She was captured on the 15th inst. after a most 
gallant and desperate action of one hour, and carried 
by boarding, having all her officers killed or wound- 
ed except one midshipman. The Dominico mounts 
15 guns, one a 32 pounder on a pivot, and had a com- 
plement of 88 men at the commencement of the action, 
(30 of whom were killed or wounded. 

She was one of the best equipped and manned 
vessels of her class I have ever seen. The Decatur 
mounts 7 guns, and had a complement of 103 men at 
the commencement of the action, nineteen of whom 
were killed and wounded. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

JOHN H. DENT. 
Killed on board the Decatur 5 — wounded 1J. 

Kdled on board the Dominico 18 — wounded 42. 

CAPTURE OF MALDEN. 

Gen. Harrison to the Secretary of War. 
Head-Quarters Amherstburg, Sept. 23, 1813. 
SIR— I have the honor to inform you that 1 landed 
the army under my command about 3 miles below 
this place at 3 o'clock this evening, withoutopposition, 
and took possession of the town in an hour aster. 
Gen. Proctor has retreated to Sandwich with his reg- 
ular troops and Indians, having previously burned 
the fort, navy yard, barracks and public store houses j 



260 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 

the two latter were very extensive, covering several 
acres of ground. I will pursue the enemy to-morrow, 
although there is no probability of my overtaking him 
as he has upwards of one thousand horses, and we 
have not one in the army. I shall think myself fortu- 
nate to be able to collect a sufficiency to mount the 
General officers. It is supposed here that Gen. Proc* 
tor intends to establish himself upon the river French, 
forty miles from Maiden. I have the honor, S^c. 
WILLIAM H. HARRISON. 

HARRISONS VICTORY. 

Gen. Harrison to the Secretary of War. 

Head-Quarters, Detroit, Oct. 9, 1813. 

SIR — In my letter from Sandwich of thedOih ul- 
timo, I did myself the honor to inform you, that I was 
preparing to pursue the enemy the following day. 
From various causes, however I was unable to put the 
troops in motion until the morning of the2dinst. and 
then to take with me only about one hundred and for- 
ty of the regular troops, Johnson's mounted regiment 
and such of Governor Shelby's volunteers as were tit 
for a rapid march, the whole amounting to about 
three thousand five hundred men. To Gen. M'Ai> 
thur (with about 700 effectives) the protecting of this 
place and the sick was committed. Gen. Cass's brig- 
ade, and the corps of Lieui. Col. Ball were left at 
Sandwich, with orders to follow me as soon as the 
men received their knapsacks and blankets, which 
had been left on an island in Lake Erie. 

The unavoidable delay at Sandwich was attended 
with no disadvantage to us. Gen. Proctor had post- 
ed himself at Dalson's on the right bank of the Thames 
(or Trench) fifty six miles from this place, where I 
was informed he intended to fortify and wait to re- 
ceive me. He must have believed, however, that I 
had no disposition to follow him, or that he had se- 
cured my continuance here, by the reports that were 
circulated that the Indians would attack and destroy 
this place upon the advance of the army ; as he neg- 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 261 

lected to commence the breaking 1 up the bridges until 
the night of the 2d inst. On that night our army 
reached the river, which is twenty-five miles from 
Sandwich and is one oi 4 streams crossing our route, 
over all of which are bridges, and being deep and 
muddy, are unfordable for a consideroble distance 
into the country — the bridge here was found entire, 
and in the morning I proceeded with Johnson's regi- 
ment to save if possible the others. At the second 
bridge over a branch of the river Thames, we were 
fortunate enough to capture a Lieut, of dragoons and 
eleven privates, who had been sent by Gen. Proctor 
to destroy them. From the prisoners I learned that 
the third bridge was broken up and that the enemy 
had no certain information of our advance. The 
bridge having been imperfectly destroyed, was soon 
repaired and the army encamped at Drake's farm, 
four miles below Dalson's. 

The river Thames, along the banks of which our 
route lay, is a fine deep stream, navigable for vessels 
of considerable burden, after the passage of the bar 
at its mouth over which, there is six and a half feet 
water. 

The baggage of the army was brought from De- 
troit in boats protected by three gun-boats, which 
Com. Perry had furnished for the purpose, as well as 
to cover the passage of the army over the Thames it- 
self, or the mouths of its tributary streams; the banks 
being low and the country generally o ; >en (praaries) 
as high as Dalson's, these vessels were well calculat- 
ed for that purpose. Above Dalson's however, the 
character of the river and adjacent country is consid- 
erably changed. — The former, though still deep, is 
very narrow and its banks h.gh and woody. The 
Commodore and myself therefore agreed upon the 

1)ropriety of leaving the boats under a guard of one 
uiudretl and fifty infantry, and I determined to trust 
to fortune and the bravery of my troops to effect the 
passage of the river. Below a place called Chatham 
and 4 miles above Dalson's is the third unfordable 



262 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 

branch of the Thames ; the bridge over its mouth 
had been taken up by the Indians, as well as that at 
MGregor's Mills, one mile above— several hundred of 
the Indians remained to dispute our passage, and upon 
the arrival of the advanced guard, commenced a hea- 
vy fire from the opposite bank of the creek as well as 
that of the river. Believeing that the whole force of the 
enemy was there, I halted the army, formed in order 
of battle, and brought up our two six pounders to cover 
the party that were ordered to repair the bridge— a few 
shot from those pieces, soon drove off the Indians 
and enabled us, in two hours to repair the bridge and 
cross the troops. Col. Johnson's mounted regiment 
being upon the right of the army, had seized upon the 
remains of the bridge at the mills under a heavy fire 
from the Indians. Our loss on this occasion, was 
two killed and three or four wounded, that of the ene- 
my was ascertained to be considerably greater. A 
house near the bridge containing a very considerable 
number of muskets had been set on lire — but it was 
extinguished by our troops and the aruis saved. At 
the first farm above the bridge, we found one of the 
enemy's vessels on tire, loaded with arms and ord- 
»ance stores, and learned that they were a few miles 
ahead of us, still on the right bank of the river with 
the great body of the Indians. At Bowles' farm, 
four miles from the brdge we haulted for the night, 
found two other vessels and a large distillery tilled 
with ordnance and other valuable stores to an 1m- 
mence amount in flames — it was impossible to put 
out the fire — two twenty-four pounders with their car- 
riages were taken and a large quantity of ball and 
shells of various sizes. The army was put in motion 
early on the morning of the 5th, I pushed on in advance 
with the mounted regiment and requested Governor 
Shelby to follow as expeditiously as possible with the 
infantry, the Governor's zeal and that of his men en- 
abled them to keep up with the cavalry, and, by 9 
o'clock, we were at Arnold's Mills having taken in 
the course of the morning two gun-boats and several 
batteaux loaded with provisions and ammunition. 



HISTORY OP THE WAR. 2G$ 

A rapid at the river at Arnold's mills affords the on- 
ly fording to be met with for a considerable distance, 
but, upon examination, it was found too deep for the 
infantry. Having-, however, fortunately taken two 
or three boats and some Indian canoes on the spot, 
and obliged the horsemen to take a foot-man behind 
each, the whole were safely crossed by 12 o'clock. 
Eight miles from the crossing we passed a farm, 
where a part of the British troops had encamped the 
night before, under the command of Col. Warburton. 
The detachment with Gen. Proctor had arrived the 
day before at the Moravian towns, 4 miles higher up. 
Being now certainly near the enemy, I directed the 
advance of Johnson's regiment to accelerate their 
march for the purpose of procuring intelligence. 
The officer commanding it, in a short time, senttoin- 
form me, that his progress was stopped by the enemy, 
who were formed across our line of march. One of 
the enemy's waggoners being abo taken prisoner, from 
the information received from him, and my own ob- 
servation, assisted by some of my officers, I soon as- 
certained enough of their position and order of battle, 
to determine that, which it was proper for me to adopt, 

1 have the honor herewith to enclose you my gene- 
ral order of the 27th ult. prescribing the order of 
march, and of battle when the whole army should act 
together. But as the number and description of the 
troops had been essentially changed, since the issuing 
of the order, it became necessary to make a corres- 
ponding alteration in their disposition. From the 
place where our army was last halted, to the Moravian 
towns a distance of about three and a half miles, the 
road passes through a beach forest without any clear- 
ing, and for the first two miles near to the bank of the 
river. At from two to 300 yards from the river, a 
swamp extends parallel to it, throughout the whole 
distance. The intermediate ground is dry, and al- 
though the trees are tolerably thick, it is in many pla- 
ces clear of underbrush. Across this strip of land, its 
left appayed upon the river, supported by artillery 



2G4 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

placed in the wood, their right in the swamp covered 
by the whole of the Indian force, the British troops 
were drawn np. 

The troops at my disposal consisted of about 120 
regulars of the 27th regt. five brigades of Kentucky 
volunteer militia infantry, under his Excellency Gov. 
Shelby, averaging - less than five hundred men, and 
Col. Johnson's regiment of mounted Infantry, making 
in the whole an aggregate something about 3000. 
No disposition of an army opposed to an Indian force 
can be safe unless it is secured on the flanks and in 
the rear. I had therefore no difficulty in arranging 
the Infantry conformably to ni\ general order of bat- 
tle. Gen. Trotter's brigade ol 500 men, formed the 
front line, his l ight upon vhe road and his left upon the 
swamp. Gen. King's brigade as a second line, 150 
yards in the rear of Trotter's, and Chiles' brigade as a 
corps of reserve in ttie rear of it. These three brig- 
ades formed the command of Major-General Henry ; 
the whole of Gen. Desha's divison, consisting of two 
brigades, were formed en potence upon the left of 
Trotter. 

. Whilst I was engaged in forming the Infantry, I 
had directed Col. Johnson's regiment, which was still 
in front, to be formed in two lines opposite to the en- 
emy, and upon the advance of the Infantry, to take 
ground to the left, and forming upon that flank to en- 
deavor to turn the right of the Indians. A moment's 
reflection, however, convinced me that from the thick- 
ness of the woods and swampness of the ground, they 
would be unable to do any thing on horseback, and 
there was no time to dismount them and place their 
horses in security. I therefore determined to refuse 
my left to the Indians, and to break the British lines 
at once by a charge of the mounted lnfanlr\ ; the 
measure was not sanctioned by any thing 1 had ever 
seen or heard of, but I was fully convinced that it 
would succeed. The American back woodsmen 
ride better in the woods than any other people. A 
musket or rifle is no impediment to them, being ac- 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 26-5 

customed to them from their earliest youth. I was 
persuaded, too, that the enemy would be quite unpre- 
pared for the shock, and that they could not resist it. 
Conformable to this idea, I directed the regiment to 
be drawn up in close column, with its right at the dis- 
tance of 50 yards from the road, (that it might be, in 
some measure, protected by the trees from the artil- 
lery) its left upon the swamp, and to charge at full 
speed as soon as the enemy had de'ivered their tire. 
The few regular troops of the 27lh regiment, under 
Col. Paul, occupied in a column of sections of four, 
the small space between the road and the river, for 
the purpose of seizing the enemy's artillery, and some 
ten or twelve friendly Indians to move under the bank. 
The crotchet formed by the front line and Gen. De- 
sha's division, was an important point. At that place 
the venerable Governor of Kentucky was posted, who 
at the age of sixty-six preserves all the vigor of youth, 
the ardent zeal which distinguished him in the revo- 
lutionary war, and the undaunted bravery winch he 
manifested at Kinys mountain. With my aids de 
camp, the acting assistant Adj. General, Capt. Butler, 
my gallant friend Com. Perry, who did me the honor 
to serve as my volunteer aid de camp, and Brig". 
Gen. Cass, who having no command, tendered me 
his assistance, I placed myself at the head of the front 
line of Infantry, to direct the movements of the cav- 
alry, and give them the necessary support. 

The army had moved on in this order but a short, 
distance, when the mounted men received the fire of 
the British line, and were ordered to charge ; the 
horses in the front of the column recoiled from the 
fire ; another was given by the enemy, and our col- 
umn at length getting in motion, broke through the 
enemy with irresistable force. In one minute the 
contest in front was over: the British officers seeing- 
no hope of reducing their disordered ranks to order, 
and our mounted men wheeling upon them and pour- 
ing in a destructive fire, immediately surrendered. 
It is certain that three only of our troops were wound- 
M 



266 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

ed in this charge. Upon the left however, the con- 
test was more severe with the Indians. Col. John- 
son, who commanded on that flank of his regiment, 
received a most galling fire from them, which was 
returned with great effect. The Indians still further 
to the right advanced and fell in with our front line 
of Infantry, near its junction with Desha's division, 
and for a moment made an impression upon it. His 
Excellency Gov. Shelby, however, brought up a regi- 
ment to its support, and the enemy receiving a severe 
fire in front, and a part of Johnson's regiment having 
gained their rear, retreated with precipitation. Their 
loss was very considerable in the action, and many 
were killed in their retreat 

In can give no satisfactory information of the num- 
ber of Indians that were in the action, but they must 
have been considerably upwards of 1000. From the 
documents in my possession, (Gen. Proctor's official 
letters, all of which were taken) and from the infor- 
mation of respectable inhabitants of this Territory, the 
Indians kept in pay by the British were much more 
numerous than has been generally supposed. In a 
letter to Gen. de Rottenburgh, of the 27th ult. Gen. 
Proctor speaks of having prevailed upon 3,200 of the 
Indians to accompany him. Ot these it is certain that 
50 or 60 Wyandot warriors abandoned him. 

The number of our troops were certainly greater 
than that of the enemy, but when it is recollected, that 
they had taken a position that effectually secured their 
flank, which it was impossible for us to turn, and that 
wc could not present to them a line more extended 
than their own, it will not be considered arrogant to 
claim for my troops the palm of superior bravery. 

In communicating to the President through you, sir, 
my opinion of the conduct of the officers who served un- 
der me, I am at a loss how to mention that of Gov. 
Shelby, being Convinced that no eulogium of mine can 
reach his merits. The Governor of an independent 
state, greatly my superior in years, experience, and 
in military character, he placed himself under my 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 267 

command, and was not more remarkable for his zeal 
and activity, than for the promptitude and cheerful- 
ness with which he obeyed my orders. 

I left the army before an official return of the pris- 
oners, or that of the killed and wounded, was made 
out. It was however ascertained that the former 
amounts to 600 regulars, including' 2-3 officers. Our 
loss is 7 killed and 22 wounded, 5 of which have 
since died. Of the British 12 kilied, and 22 wound- 
ed. The Indians suffered most, 100 of them having 
been found upon the ground, including those killed on 
the retreat. 

On the day of the action, 6 pieces of brass artillery 
were taken, and two iron 24 pounders the day before. 
Several others were discovered in the river and can be 
easily procured. Of the brass pieces, three are the 
trophies of our revolutionary war, that were taken at 
Saratoga and York, and surrendred by General Hull. 
I have the honor to be, &c. 

WILLIAM H. HARRISON. 

The fruits of Gen. Harrison's victory, independent 
of the great advantages obtained, are of the British re- 
gular army, 609 non-commissioned officers and pri- 
vates, 2 Colonels, 4 Majors, and 19 officers of the line, 
prisoners ; and 12 pieces of cannon, 6000 stands of 
arms, 5 Gun-Boats, and ammunition and stores to 
the amount of 1,000,000 of Dollars ! ! 

SPEECH OF TECCJMSEH.* 

In the name of the Indian chiefs and warriors, to 

Maj. Gen. Proctor, as the representative oj their 

t/reat father — the king. 

Father, listen to your children ! You have them 
now all before you. 

The war before this, our British father gave the 
hatchet to his red children, when our chiefs were alive. 

» Tecumseh was kilted at the battle of the Moravian towns. 



268 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

They are now dead. In that war, our father was 
thrown on his back by the Americans, and our father 
took them by the hand without our knowledge ; and 
we are afraid that our father will do so again at this 
time. 

Summer before last, when I came forward with 
my red brethren, and was ready to take up the hatchet 
in favor of our British father, we were told not to be 
in a hurry, that he had not yet determined to fight the 
Americans. 

1 istfv ! — When war was declared, our father stood 
up and gave us the tomahawk, and told us that he 
was then ready to strike the Americans ; that he 
wanted our assistance ; and that he would certainly 
gcY us our lands back, which the Americans had ta- 
ken from us. 

Listen ! — You told us, at that time, to bring for- 
ward our families to this place ; and we did so ; and 
you promised to take care of them, and that the) should 
want for nothing, while the men would go and fight 
the enemy. That we need not, trouble ourselves 
about the enemy's garrison ; that we knew nothing 
about them, and that our father would attend to that 
part of the business. You also told your red children, 
that you would take good care of your garrison here, 
which made our hearts glad. 

Lisltn ! — When we were last at the Rapids, it is 
true we gave you little assistance. It is hard to fight, 
people who live like ground hogs. 

Father, listen ! Our fleet has gone out ; we know 
they have fought ; we have heard the great guns : 
but know nothing of what has happened to our lather, 
with one arm. Our ships have gone oneway, and 
we are much astonished to see our father tying up 
every thing and preparing to run away tl;e other, 
without letting his red children know what his inten- 
tions are. You always told us to remain here and 
take care of our lands ; it made our hearts glad to hear 
thai w as \ our w ish. Our great father, the king, is our 
head, and you represent hnu. You always tout us. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 269 

that von would never draw your foot off British ground; 
but now, father, we see you are drawing back, and 
le are sorry to see our father doing so xvithout.seemg 
the enemy. We must compare our father s conduct 
to a ft* animal, that carries its tail upon its back, but 
when frighted, he drops it between his legs and 

runs oft. . , . . i 

Listen Father ! The Americans have not yet de- 
feated us' by land ; neither are we sure that they have 
done so by water : we therefore, wish to remain here, 
and fight our enemy, if they should make their ap- 
pearance. If they defeat us, we will then retreat with 

our father. , . 

At the battle of the Rapids last war, the Ameri- 
cans certainly defeated us ; and when we retreated to 
our father's fort at that place the gates were shut against 
us We were afraid that it would now be the case ; but 
instead of that we now see our British father preparing 
to march out of his garrison. 

Father > You have got the arms and ammunition 
which our' great father sent for his red children. If 
vou have an idea of going away, give them to us, and 
you ma? go and welcome, for us. Our hves are m the 
hands of the Great Spirit. We are determined to de- 
fend our lands, and if it be his will we wish to leave 
our bones upon them. 

Amherstburg, Sept. 18, 1810. 

Com. Chauncey to the Secretary of the &**&& 
U.S. ship Gen. Pike, Sackett's Harbor, Oct. 6, 1813. 
Sift— I have the pleasure to liitorm you, that 1 ar- 
rived here this morning, with five of the enemy s ves- 
sels, which I fell in with and captured last evening off 
the Ducks. They were part ot a fleet of seven sail 
which left York on Sunday with 234 troops on board, 
bound to Kingston. Of this fleet five were captured, 
one burnt, and one escaped ; the prisoners, amount- 
ing to nearly 300, besides, having upwards ot 300 ot 
our troops on board from Niagara, induced me to 
run into port for the purpose of landing both. 



270 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

I have an additional pleasure in informing you, that 
amongst the captured vessels are the late U. S. schs. 
Julia and Growler, the others are gun vessels. 

I have the honor to be, \c. 

ISAAC CHAUNCEY. 

Belurn of the troops of H. H. >7V. Be Matte- 
ville regiment, captured in the above vessels. 
1 Major, 1 Captain, 3 subalterns, 1 surgeon, 10 
sergeants, 4 drummers and buglers, 202 rank and 
file. 

Officers and marines. — 1 Lieut. 2 master's mates, 
35 seamen and marines of the royal navy, and 4 sail- 
ing masters of the provincial navy. 

J. GIBSON, Inspector Gen. 

Something Singular.— About the 1st of Oct. 1813, 
Capt. Morgan, of the riHe corps was sent from Sacketts 
Harbor, to Gravelly Point, near Kingston, for the 
purpose of taking possession of the Point. Seeing an 
English schr. gun boat, he concealed his men, about 
60, and sent a small boat along the shore, which the 
enemy espied, and started in pursuit of. When 
the enemy came near, our men landed, and took to 
the woods; the enemy came near shore, and sent a 
party after the fugitives, when Morgan's campany 
rushed from their hiding place, and gave them so 
warm a reception, as either to kill or wound every one, 
as they appeared on deck ; a few ot our men waded 
out and took possession of the gunboat, while those on 
shore stood ready to fire at the first man who made ap- 
pearance on deck. We did not lose a man in this gal- 
lant little exploit j the enemy lost 3 killed — 7 wound- 
ed, and 50 prisoners. 

Com. Rodgers, Sailed from Boston the 23d of 
April, 1813, aud returned to Newport, Sept. 26. — 
After crossing the seas in almost every direction, 
cruising for some time in the British channel, and on 
the coast of Norway, without seeing a public vessel, 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 271 

of the enemy's, excepting- a 74, and frigate in company, 
which chased him three days, often so near as to give, 
and receive a shot, the Com. returned to port, to re- 
cruit his stores. 

The President, captured the following vessels on 
her cruise.— Brig Kitty, of 2 guns, and 12 men, car- 
go of codfish; sent into France. Packet Brig Duke 
of Montrose, of 12 guns, and 34 men ; sent to Eng- 
land as a cartel, with 78 prisoners. Letter of Marque 
Brig Maria, of 14 guns, and 35 men ; cargo of cod- 
fish, sent into France. Schr. Falcon, of 2 guns, and 
1 1 men, cargo of codfish, sent into France. Brig 
Jean, burnt. Brig Daphne, of 2 guns, and 10 men; 
sunk. Ship Eliza Swan, of 8 guns, and 49 men ; 
cargo of blubber oil; ransomed for 5000 pounds ster- 
ling. Brig Albert, cargo of pitch and tar, burnt. 
Barque Lion, of 8 guns, and 53 men ; cargo of blub- 
ber oil, ransomed for 3000 pounds sterling. Brig 
Shannon, cargo of rum, sugar, and molasses, sent into 
the U. S. Brig Fly, of 6 guns, and 10 men ; cargo of 
coffee, sent into the U. S His B. M's Schr. High Fly- 
er, of 5 guns, 5 officers, and 34 men, brought into 
Newport ; the High Flyer was sold at auction for 
eleven thouand Dollars. 

Col. Clarke to the Secretary of JVar. 

Camp Chazey-Landing, Oct. 15, 1813. 
It is with great pleasure I can inform you of asuc- 
cessi'ul attack upon the enemy at Massesquoi bay on 
the morning of the 12th inst. At this time I had only 
the riflemen with me, the artillery moving slow and 
the militia protecting their rear. We proceeded to 
the viilage (Massesquoi) and arrived within 15 rods 
of the enemy before we were discovered. We found 
them drawn up under Major Powell in a manner that 
would have annoyed us much had we attack- 
ed them by water, but wholly unprepared to defend 
themselves on the land side ; they commenced a fire 
on the left flank, but in ten minutes after the first at- 
tack they laid down their arms and surrendered them- 
selves prisoners of war. 



272 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

Understanding- that a force of 200 men under Col. 
Lock was marching' to attack us, 1 despatched Capt. 
Finch with his company to reconnoitre them and as- 
certain their course. He proceeded with such prompt- 
ness and ability as to surprise and capture the advanc- 
ed guard, consisting of cavalry, excepting 1 one man 
who escaped, and giving the information the enemy 
retreated. 

The prisoners were then put on board our boats 
and sent to Burlington. Our whole force engaged 
was 102 — the number of prisoners taken is 101 ; their 
killed 9, and wounded 14. 

1 am, sir, with respect, Sec. 

ISAAC CLARKE. 

Massacre at fort Tensaw. — The following partic- 
ulars of the massacre at fort Tensaw, is received from 
Judge Toulmiu of Mobile. 

' The dreadful catastrophe which we have been 
sometime expecting, has at length taken place ; the 
Indians have broken in upon us in numbers and fury 
unexampled. A few days before the attack, (Sept. 1) 
some negroes of Mr. Girt's who lived in that part oi the 
Creek territory which is inhabited^ by half breeds, 
had been sent up the Alabama to his plantation for 
corn ; three of them were taken by a party of Indians. 
One escaped and brought down news of the approach 
of the Indians. The officer gave but little credit to 
him, but they made some further preparation to re- 
ceive the enemy, and on Saturday and Sunday con- 
siderable work was done to put the fort in a state of 
defence. Sunday morning three negroes were sent 
out to attend the cattle, who soon returned with an 
account that they had seen 20 Indians. — Scouts were 
sent out to ascertain the truth of the report ; they re- 
turned and declared they could see no signs of 
Indians. One of the negroes belonging to Mr. Ran- 
don was whipped for bringing what they deemed a 
false report. — He was sent out again on Mouday, 
Mid saw -t body of Indians approaching; but airaid 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 



273 



of bein<r whipped, he did not return to Mims's, but to 
P.erce'sfort; but before Ins story could be commu- 
nicated, the attack was made. The commanding 
officer called upon Mr. Fletcher, who owned another 
of the negroes, to whip him also.— He believed the 
boy, and resisted two or three applications; but at 
length they had him actually brought out tor the pur- 
pose, when the Indians appeared in view ot the fort. 
The gate was open. The Indians had to come 
through an open field 150 yards wide, before they 
could reach the fort, and yet they were within 30 
steps of the fort at 11 in the morning, before they 
were noticed. The sentry then gave the cry ot 'In- 
dians!' and they immediately set up a most terrible 
war-hoop and rushed into the g;ate with inconceivable 
rapidity, and got within it before the people of the 
fort had any opportunity of shutting it. This decid- 
ed their fate. Major Beasely was shot through the 
bellv near the gate. 

Tliere was a large body of Indians, though they 
probably did not exceed 400. Our people seemed 
to sustain the attack with undaunted spirit. They 
took possession of the port holes in the other lines of 
the fort and tired on the Indians who remained in the 
field. Some of the Indians got upon the block house 
at one of the corners; but after firing a good deal 
down upon the people they were dislodged. They 
Succeeded however in setting fire to a house near the 
pickets, from which it was communicated to the 
kitchen and from thence to the main dwelling house. 
They attempted to do it by burning arrows, but faded. 
When the people in the fort saw the Indians retained 
full possession of the outer court, that the gate con- 
tinued open, that their men fell very fast, and that their 
houses were in flames, they began to despond. Some 
determined to cut their way through the pickets and 
escape. Of the whole number of white men and half- 
breeds in the fort, it is supposed that not more than 
floor 30 escaped, and of these many were wounded. 
The rest and almost all the women and children tell 

35 



274 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

a sacrifice either to the arms o( the Indians or to the 
flames. The battle lasted about five hours and a half. 

When the buildings were burning- and the tew who 
remained were exposed to the heavy fire of* the ene- 
my, they collected as many as they could of* the guns 
of the deceased, and threw both them and the remain- 
ing stock of ''ammunition into the flames, to prevent 
their becoming subservient, m the hands of the In- 
dians, to the destruction or their fellow citizens. 
Surely this was an instance of determined resolution 
and benevolent foresight of which there are not many 
examples. 

Notwithstanding the bravery of our fellow citizens, 
the Indians carried all before them, and murdered 
the armed and the helpless without discrimination. 
Our loss is 7 commissioned officers, and about 100 
non-commissioned officers and privates, of the first 
regiment of Mississippi Territory volunteers. There 
were about 24 families of men, women and children 
in the fort, of whom almost all have perished, amount- 
ing to about 160 souls. I reckon, however, among 
them about six families of half-breeds, and 7 Indians. 
There were also about 100 negroes, of whom a large 
proportion were killed. 

By William Henry Harrison, Maj. Gen. in the ser- 
vice of the U. S. commander in chief of the north- 
western army, and Oliver Hazard Perry* Capl. in 
the JS'avy, and commandiny the U. IS. vessels on Lake 

A PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas, by the combined operations of the land 
and naval forces under our command, those of the 
enemy within the upper district of Upper Canada 
have been captured or destroyed and the said district 
is now in the quiet possession of our troops : it be- 
comes necessary to provide for its government : — 
Therefore, we do hereby proclaim and make known, 
that the rights and privileges of the inhabitants, and 
the laws and customs of the country, as they existed 
or were in force at the period of our arrival, shall con- 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 276. 

tinne to prevail. All magistrates and other civil offi- 
cers are to resume the exercise of their functions ; 
previously taking an oath to be faithful to the govern- 
ment of the U. States, as long as they shall be in pos- 
session of the country. The authority of all militia 
commissions is suspended in said district, and the offi- 
cers required to give their parole, in such way as the 
officer, who may be appointed by the commanding 
Gen. to administer the government, shall direct. 

The inhabitants of said district are promised pro- 
tection to their persons and property, with the excep- 
tion of those cases embraced by the proclamation of 
Gen. Proctor, of the — ult. which is declared to be in 
force, and the powers therein assumed transfered to 
the officer appointed to administer the government. 

Given under our hands and seals, at Sandwich, 
this 17th Oct. 1813. 

(Signed) WM. H. HARRISON. 

OLIVER H. PERRY. 

Gens. Wilkinson and Hampton. — These two Gen- 
erals made an attempt to take Montreal about the 1st 
of Nov. 1813. Gen. Hampton was stationed at 
Plattsburgh, and was to meet Gen. Wilkinson at 
French Mills; having succeeded in marching 
through the forest 24 miles in one day, by way of 
Chatauguay, and entering upon the second large 
forest, his guides left him, which occasioned the army 
to halt for three or four days ; in the mean time our 
troops attempted the enemy's breast work, thrown up 
in the woods by falling trees, digging ditches, &c. and 
succeeded in completely driving him from his posi- 
tion ; — a party sent round to intercept their retreat 
was met by one of considerable force and obliged to • 
retire. — Here some misunderstanding took place be- 
tween the two Generals on account of the place of 
meeting; which, finally contributed largely to the 
overthrow of the expedition. Hampton immediately 
ordered his men back to winter quarters. In this 
farce we lost 34 men killed and missing. — Gen Wil- 



$76 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 

kinson was stationed at Saokett's Harbor, and con- 
veyed his army down the St. Lawrence in boats. 
The enemy about 2000, from Prescott, Kingston, Sec, 
hung" on his rear, and harrassed him continually. 
Thev arrived at Williamsburg the 11th of Nov. and 
was obliged to face about and attack the enemy to 
save their baggage. The forces were about equally 
strong, having from 12 to 1 00 men engaged ; each 
gave way by turns — our men getting out of ammuni- 
tion, left the held of action unmolested, and passed 
down the slreights, without seeing the enemy again. 
We lost in this battle 102 non-commissioned officers 
and privates killed, and 237 officers and privates 
wounded, with one field piece and several stand of 
arms: 3officersand 2S privates of the wounded were 
taken prisoners. At Cornwall Gen. Wilkinson first 
received intelligence of the different route General 
Hampton had taken ; a council of General officers 
was held, and it was agreed best to abandon the ex- 
pedition. 

AMERICAN £O c S. 

Killed 102 — wounded 237— missing 31— total 370L 

BRITISH LOSS. 

Killed 210— wounded 248 — prisoners 17 — total 475 



CHAPTER X. 

CREEK WAR. 

Gen. Jackson to G<>v. Blount. 
Camp a* Ten Islands, Nov. 4th, 1813. 
STR — We have retaliated for the destruction 
of Fort Mims. On the 2d instant, I oetaihed 
Gen. Coffee with a part of his brigade of cavalry and 
mounted riflemen, to destroy Tallushatches, where a 
considerable force of the hostile Creeks were concen- 
trated. The Gen. executed this in stile. A hun- 
dred and eighty-six of the enemy were found dead on 
the field, and about eighty taken prisoners \ forty of 



HISTORY OP THE WAR. 277 

^vnom have been brought here. In the number left, 
ti e:e is a sufficiency but slightly wounded to take care 
01 those who are badiy. 

I herein enclose Gen. Coffee's official report of th* 
actio 11. 

I hav e the honor to be, &c, 

ANDREW JACKSON. 

Gen. Coffee to Gen. Jackson. 
Camp at 7 en Islands, Nov. 4th, 1813. 
SIR, — I had the honor yesterday, of transmitting 
you a short account of an engagement that took place 
between a detachment of about nine hundred men 
from my brigade, with the enemy at Tallushatches 
towns ; the particulars whereof I beg leave herein to 
recite to you. Pursuant to your order of the 2d, I 
detailed from my brigade of cavalry and mounted ri- 
flemen, nine hundred men and officers, and proceeded 
directly to the Tallushatches towns, crossing Coosey 
river at the Fish Dam ford, 3 or 4 miles above this 
place. I arrived within one and a half miles of the 
town (distant from this place south-east eight miles) 
on the morning of the third, at which place I divided 
my detachment into two columns the right composed 
of the cavalry commanded by Col. Allcorn, to cross 
over a large creek that lay between us and the towns, 
the left column was of the mounted riflemen, under 
the command of Qol. Cannon, with whom 1 marched 
myself. Col. Allcorn was ordered to march up on 
the right and encircle one one half of the town, and 
at the same time the left would form a half circle on 
the left, and unite the head ot the colums in front of 
the town ; all of which was performed as I could 
wish. When I arrived in haif a mile of the towns, 
the drums of the enemy began to beat, mingled with 
their savage yells, preparing for action. It was af- 
ter sun-rise an hour ; when the action was brought 
on by Capt. Hammond and Lieut. Patterson's com- 
panies, who had gone on within the circle of align- 
ment tor the purpose of drawing out the enemy Irom 



278 HISTORY OP THE WAR^ 

their buildings, which had the most happy effects. 
As soon as Capt. Hammond exhibited his front in 
view of the town, (which stood in open woocUawd) 
and gave a few scattering shot, the enemy formed and 
made a violent charge on him ; he gave way as they 
advanced, until they met our right column ; which 
gave them a general fire and then charged ; this 
changed the direction of charge completely ; the 
enemy retreated, tiring, until they got around and in 
their buildings, where they made all the resistance 
that an overpowered soldier could do ; they fought as 
long as one existed, but their destruction was very 
soon completed ; our men rushed up to the doors of 
the houses, and in a few minutes killed the last war- 
rior of them ; the enemy fought with savage fury, and 
met death with all its horrors, without shrinking or 
complaining, not one asked to be spared, but fought 
so long as they could stand or sit. In consequence 
of their flying to their houses and mixing with the 
families, our men in killing the males, without inten- 
tion, killed and wounded a few squaws and children, 
which was regretted by every officer and soldier of 
the detachment, but which could not be avoided. 

The number of the enemy killed was one hundred 
and eighty-six that were counted, and a number of oth- 
ers that were killed in the weeds not found. I think 
the calculation a reasonable one, to say two hundred of 
them were killed, and eighty-four prisoners of women 
and children, were taken ; not one of the warriors 
escaped to carry the news, a circumstance unknown 
heretofore. 

I lost five men killed and forty-one wounded, none 
mortally, the greater part slightly, a number with 
arrows; two of the men killed was with arrows ; this 
appears to form a very principal part of enemy's arms 
for warfare ; every man having a bow with a bundle 
of arrows, which is used after the first fire with the 
gun, until a leisure time for loading offers. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

JNO COFFEE. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 279 

Gen. Jackson to Gov. Blount. 
Camp Ten Islands of Cossa, Nov. II, 1813. 

[Extract.} SIR — I am just returned from an ex- 
cursion which 1 took a few days ago, and hasten to 
acquaint you with the result. 

Late. on the evening of the 7th inst. a runner ar- 
rived from the friendly party in Lashley's fort, (Tale- 
dega) distant about thirty miles below us, with the 
information that the hostile Creeks, in great force had 
encamped near the place, and were preparing to de- 
stroy it ; and earnestly entreated that I would lose no 
time in affording relief. Urged by their situation as 
well as by a wish to meet the enemy so soon as an 
opportunity would offer, I determined upon com- 
mencing my march thither with all my disposable 
force; we encamped that night within six miles of 
the fort 1 had set out to relieve. At sun rise we 
came within half a mile of them, and having formed 
my men, I moved on in battle order. The infantry 
were in three lines — the militia on the left and the 
volunteers on the right. The cavalry formed the ex- 
treme wings ; and were ordered to advance in a 
curve, keeping their rear connected with the advance 
of their infantry lines, and to enclose the enemy in a 
circle. The advanced guard whom I sent forward 
to brino; on the enofa^ement, met the attack of the 
enemy with great intrepidity ; and having poured 
upon them four or five very gallant rounds, fell back 
as they had been previously ordered, to the main army. 
The enemy pursued and the front line was now or- 
dered to advance and meet him ; the fire became 
general along the first line, and on that part of the 
wings which were contiguous. The enemy, unable, 
to stand it, began to retreat ; but were met at every 
turn, and pursued in every direction. The right wing 
chased them with a most destructive fire to the moun- 
tains, a distance of about o miles ; the victory howev- 
er was very decisive — 21)0 of the enemy were leit 
dead ; and there can be no doubt but many more 
were killed who were not found. Wherever thev ran 



280 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 

they left traces of blood ; and it is believed that very 
few will return to their villages in as sound a condi- 
tion as they left them. I was compelled to return to 
this place to protect the sick and wounded, and get 
my baggage. In the engagement we lost 15 killed 
aud 15 wounded, 2 of whom have since died. 
In haste, I have the honor to be, *c. 

ANDREW JACKSON. 

Gen. White to Major- Gen. Cocke. 

Fort-Armstrong, Nov. 24, 1813. 
[Extract.] SIR — In mine of the 19th inst. by Ma. 
jor Outlaw, I promised you a detailed report, respect* 
ing the detachment ordered by you to the Hillibee 
towns, in the Creek nation. In compliance with that 
promise, 1 have now the honor to state— that under your 
order of the 11th inst, I immediately marched with 
the mounted infantry, uuder the immediate command 
of Col. Buret). The cavalry under the command of 
Major Porter, and a few of the Cherokee Indians uiv- 
der the command of Col. Morgan, with very short 
rations for four days only. After destroying two vil- 
lages containing 123 houses, we marched to the 
Hillibee town, consisting of about 20 houses, 
adjoining which was Grayson's farm. — Previous 
to our arrival at that place, 1 was advised that £ 
part of the hostile Creeks were assembled there. 
Having marched within six or seven miles of it on the 
17th, I dismounted apart of the force uuder iu) com- 
mand, and sent them under the command of Col. 
Burch, with the Cherokees under the command of 
Col. Morgan, in advance, to surround the town in the 
night, and make the attack at day light on the 18lh. 
Owing to the darkness of the night, the town was not 
reached until after day light — but so complete was 
the surprise, that we succeeded m surrounding the 
town, and killing and capturing almost (if not en- 
tirely) the whole of the hostile Creeks assembled there, 
consisting of about 3lt>, of which number about tiO 
warriors were killed on the spot, aud the remainder 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 281 

made prisoners. We lost not one drop of blood in 
accomplishing" this enterprize. We destroyed this 
village ; and, in obedience to your orders, commenc- 
ed our march for this post, which we were unable 
to reach until yesterday. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

JAMES WHITE, Brig. Gen. 

Gen. Floyd to Gen. Pinhney. 

Catahouche, Dec. 4, 1813. 
. [Extract.'] 8IR — I have the honor to communicate 
to you an account of the action fought on the 29th 
ult. between part of the force under my command* 
and a large body of the Creek Indians. Having re- 
ceived information that the hostile Indians were as- 
sembled at Autossee, I proceeded thither with the 
force under my command, accompanied by about 300 
friendly Indians. We encamped the 28th, at night, 
within ten miles of our place of destination, and the 
next morning by half past (5, were formed for action in 
front of the town. 

It was my intention to have completely surround- 
ed the enemy, by appaying the right of my force on 
Canlehee creek, at the mouth of which I was inform- 
ed the town stood ; and resting the left on the river 
below the town ; but to our surprise, as day dawned, 
we perceived a second town 500 yards below Autos- 
see. The plan of attack was immediately changed ; 
five companies immediately surrounded the lower 
town, and the remainder attacked the upper. The 
battle now became general. The Indians presented 
themselves at even point, and fought with the despe- 
rate bravery of real fanatics ; but the well directed 
fire of the artillery, with the charged bayonet) soon 
forced them to take shelter in their houses, and many, 
it is believed, secured themselves in caves previously 
prepared in the high bank of the river. The friendly 
Indians were to cross the river above the town, for 
the purpose of taking such as might attempt to es- 
cape ; but owing to the coldness of the water, they 
36 



282 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

declined, after making the attempt: they crossed the 
creek, thronged to our flanks, and fought with an in- 
trepidity worthy of any troops. At 9 o'clock, the 
enemy was completely driven from the plain, and the 
houses of both towns wrapped in flames, to the num- 
ber of about 400. It is difficult to determine the 
strength of the enemy, but the chiefs say there were 
assembled the warriors of eight towns, for the defence 
of Autossee, it being the. r beloved ground, on which, 
they proclaimed, no white man could approach with- 
out inevitable destruction. It is believed the enemy 
lost at least, 200 killed, (among whom are the Autos- 
see andTallissee kings) and from the circumstance 
of their not making an effort to molest our return, 
probably they lost more. Our loss was 11 killed and 
54 wounded. — The friendly Indians lost several killed 
and wounded ; the number not exactly known. 
I have the honor to be, &c. 

JOHN FLOYD, Brig. Gen. 

Gen. Claiborne, to the Secretary of War. 

Fort Claiborne, Jan. 1st, 1814. 
[Extract] SIR— On the 13th ult. I marched a detach- 
ment from this post with a view of destroying the 
towns of the inimical Creek Indians, on the Alabama, 
above the the mouth of the Cahaba. After having 
marched about eighty miles, from the best infor- 
mation I could obtain, I was within thirty miles of a 
town newly erected on aground called Holy, occupi- 
ed by a large body of the enemy, under the command 
of Witherford, the half breed chief. On the morn- 
ing of the 22d the troops resumed their line of march, 
chiefly through woods without a track to guide them. 
When near the town on the morning of the 23d, my 
dispositon lor attack was made. — The troops advan- 
ced in three columns. With the centre column I ad- 
vanced mj self, ordering Lester's guards and Well's 
troop of dragoons to act as a corps of reserve. About 
noon the right column, composed of twelve month's 
volunteers, commanded by Col. Joseph Carson, came 



HISTORY OP THE AVAR. 28o 

in view of the town called Eccanachaca (or Holy 
Ground) and was immediately vigorously attacked 
by the enemy, who were apprized of our approach, and 
had chosen their field of action. 

Before the centre, commanded by Lieut. Col. Rus- 
sell, with a part of the 3d regiment of U. S. infantry 
and mounted militia riflemen, or the left column, 
which was composed of militia and a party of Choc- 
taws under Pushamuttaha, commanded by Maj. 
Smoot of militia, who were ordered to charge, could 
come generaly into action, the enemy were repulsed 
and were flying in all directions, and many of them 
casting away their arms. 

Thirty of the enemy were killed, and judging from 
every appearance many were wounded. The loss on 
our part was one corporal killed, and one ensign, two 
Serjeants, one corporal, and two privates wounded. 

A pursuit was immediately ordered but from the 
nature of the country, nothing was effected. The 
town was nearly surrounded by swamps and deep 
ravines, which rendered our approach difficult, and 
facilitated the escape of the enemy. In the town we 
found a large quantity of provisions and immense 
property of various kinds, which the enemy, flying 
precipitately, were obliged to leave behind, and which*, 
together with two hundred houses were destroyed 

The next day was occupied in destroying a town 
consisting of sixty houses, eight miles higher up the 
river, and in taking and destroying the enemy's boats. 
At the town last destroyed was killed three Indians 
of some distinction. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

FERD. L. CLAIBORNE. Brig. Gen. 

Gen. Floyd to Major Gen. Pinckney. 
[Extract] Camp Defiance, Jan. 27, 1814. 

SIR — I have the honor to acquaint your excellen- 
cy that this morning at 20 minutes past 5 o'clock, a 
very large body of hostile Indians made a desperate 
attack upon the army under my command. They 
stole upon the cenfcinels, fired on them, and with great 



284 HISTORY OFTHE WAR. 

impetuosity rushed upon our line : in 20 minutes the 
station became general, and our front, right and lelt 
flanks were closely pressed, but the brave and ga hint 
conduct ot the tieid and line officers, and the firmness 
of the men, repelled them at every point. 

The steady firmness, and incessant fire ol Capt. 
Thomas's artillery, ami Capt Adams' riflemen, pre- 
served our front lines. The enemy rushed within 30 
yards of the artillery, and Capt. Broduax, who com* 
niauded one of the pu cjuet guards, maintained his 
post with great bravery, until the enemy gained his 
rear, and then cut his way through them to the army. 
As soon as it became light enough to distinguish ob- 
jects, I ordered Majors Watson's and Freman's bat- 
tailions to wheel up at right angles with Majors 
Booth's and Cleveland's battailions, who formed the 
right wing, to prepare for tlie charge. The order tor 
the charge was promptly obeyed, and the enemy fled 
in every direction before the bayonet. The signal was 
given for the charge of the cavalry, who pursued and 
sabred 15 of the enemy, who left 37 dead on the field. 
From the efiusion of blood, and the number of head 
dresses and war clubs found in var ous directions, their 
loss must have been considerable, independent ot their 

wounded. . 

I herewith transmit you a list of our killed aud 
wounded, and have the honor to be, &c. 

JOHN FLOYD, Brig. Gen. 
Killed, 17 — wounded, 132 — total 149. 

Gen. Jackson to Gen. Pinkney. 

Fort brother, Jan. 29, 1814. 
[Extract.] SIR— I had ordered 800 Tennessee 
volunteers to join me on the 10th inst. but they did 
not arrive until the 14th ; the next day they, with the 
force before with me, 130, marched across the fiver 
to graze our horses. The motives which influenced 
ttie to penetrate forth* r into the enemy's country uere 
many and urgent. I received a letter trom Colonel 
Snodgrass, informing me that an attack was soon to 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 285 

be mile on fart Armstrong, by 90 > of the enemy, 
collected fro n New Voufca, Oakfnskee, and Ufauley 
towns, and were concentrated in the bend of the Tal- 
lapoosee. If I coukl have hesitated before, I could 
now hesitate no longer. On the 19th I encamped 
at Entochapco ; here t soon perceived how little 
knowledge my spies had of the country, of the situa- 
tion of the enemy, or of the distance we were from 
them, and the insubordination of the new troops, and 
want of skill in their officers, became more apparent; 
but my wishes and my duty remained united. 

We arrived within a few miles of our destination 
the 21st, and encamped on a high piece of ground ; 
about 10 o'clock at night our picket fired upon a few 
of theenemv, and killed one. At 1 1 o'clock our 
spies returned with information that a large body of 
the enemy were encamped about three miles distant. 
Being prepared at all points, nothing remained to be 
doner but await their approach, or be in readiness to 
attack them by day light. The enemy attacked out- 
left tlink, about (5 o'clock in the morning, which was 
vigorously met by our troops ; the attack lasted half 
an^hoRr. So soon as it became light enough to pur- 
sue the enemy, the brave Gen. Coffee led our troops 
on to the charge ; the enemy was completely routed 
at every point, and chased two miieswith great slaugh- 
ter. Gen. Coffee was now sent with 400 troops to re- 
connoitre the enemy's camp, who returned alter sat- 
isfying himself of their strength. In half an hour a 
considerable force of the enemy made its appearance 
on my right flank, and attacked us with great spirit. 
Gen. Coffee requested 200 men of me for the purpose 
of turning their left flank, which was granted; but 
by some mistake, not observed at the time, only 54 
followed him, who were chiefly old volunteer officers. 
With this little band of heroes the Gen. attacked it t 
an I drove them from the ground; at the same time 
20^ friendly Indians were ordered to fall upon their 
right, and co-operate with the General. Tins order 
was soon obeyed, and in its execution, what I expect- 



286 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 

ed, was realized. The enemy intended the attack 
on my right as a feint, and soon attacked my left 
with their main force, which they hoped to find weak- 
ened and in disorder — they were disappointed — the 
whole line met the attack with firmness and astonish- 
ing intrepidity, and having given a few fires charged 
with great vigor; the effect was immediate and in- 
evitable. The enemy fled with precipitation, and 
were pursued to a considerable distance with great 
slaughter. In the mean time Gen. Coffee was con- 
tending with a superior force, the Indians having 
joined tny left. Jim Fife, with 100 friendly Indians 
I forthwith ordered to his assistance ; he no sooner 
reached the spot than the Gen. made a charge, and 
the enemy routed and driven three miles, with the loss 
of 45 slain. I was determined to commence a return- 
ing march the next morning, as my provisions were 
nearly consumed. I considered it not necessary to 
pursue them any farther, as the object of a general 
engagement would be more certainly attained by 
commencing a return, which, to them, would have 
the appearance of a retreat, and would inspire them 
with new courage to pursue me ; and not prudent 
because of my wounded, the starving condition of 
my horses, they not having neither eat corn nor cane 
for two days, and of the scarcity of provisions for my 
men — influenced by these considerations, I commenc- 
ed my return march on the 23d and reached Enota- 
ehopco that night. I took a different route from the 
one we came in, to avoid a deep defile between two 
mountains. Having a deep creek to pass I issued a 
general order pointing out the manner in which the 
men should be formed, in case of an attack. The 
front guard and the wounded had crossed, when an 
alarm gun was heard in the rear. I heard it without 
surprise, and even with pleasure, as I calculated on 
the firmness of my troops, from the manner i;t which 
I had seen them act on the 22d. Having chosen the 
ground, I expected to have entirely cut off the ene- 
my, by wheeling the right and left columns on their 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 287 

pivots, recrossing the creek above and below, and fal- 
ling" npon their flanks and rear. But to my astonish- 
ment, after a few guns had been fired, I beheld the 
right and left columns of the rear guard give way. 
This shameful retreat was disastrous in the extreme ; 
drawing 1 with it the greater part of the centre column, 
and producing consternation and dismay in the whole 
army. There was left to oppose the enemy a few of 
the rearguard, the artillery, and Capt. Russell's com- 
pany of spies : they realized and exceeded my best 
expectations. Never was there more bravery dis- 
played than on this occasion. Amidst the most gal- 
ling fire from the enemy, more than ten times their 
number, they ascended the hill. In the hurry of the 
moment, in separating the gun from the limbers, the 
rammer and picker were left tied to it. No sooner 
was this discovered than Craven Jackson, and Con- 
stantine Perkins, gunners, found means to replace 
them ; Jackson amidst the galling fire of the enemy, 
pulled out the ramrod of his musket, used it as a pick- 
er, primed with a cartridge, and fired the cannon. 
Perkins having taken off his bayonet, used his gun. 
as a rammer, and Jackson using his former plan, again 
discharged her. Lieut. Armstrong soon fell, and 
exclaimed as he lay, * my brave fellows, some of you 
may fall, but you must save the cannon? At this time a 
number crossed the creek, and entered into the chase, 
when they were pursued more than two miles, fleeing 
in consternation, throwing away their packs, and left 
26 of their warriors dead on the field. This last de- 
feat was decisive. In these three engagements our 
loss was 20 killed and 75 wounded. The loss of the 
enemy cannot be exactly ascertained ; 189 of their 
warriors were found dead ; but this must fall consid- 
erably short of the number killed ; their wounded can 
only be guessed at. 

I am, sir, with sentiments of respect, &c. 

ANDREW JACKSON, Major Gen, 



288 HISTORY OF THE WAfc. 

Gen. Jackson to Gov. Blount. 

Fort Williams, March 31st, 1814. 

[Extract] SIR — I have just returned from the ex* 
pedition which I advised you in my last I was about 
to make to the Tall apoosee ; and hasten to acquaint 
you with the good fortune which attended it. 

I took up the line of march from this place on the 
morning of the 21st inst. and having opened a passage 
of 52 1-2 miles over the ridges which divide the wa- 
ters of the two rivers, 1 reached the bend oftheTalla- 
poosee, three miles beyond where I had the engage- 
ment of the 22d of Jan. and at the southern extremi- 
ty of New-Youka, on the morning of the 27th. This 
bend resembles in its curvature that of a horse shoe, 
and is thence called by that name among the whites. 
Nature furnishes few situations so eligible for defence, 
and barbarians have never rendered one more secure . 
by art. A cross the neck of the bend which leads into it, 
from the north, they had erected a breastwork ot the. 
greatest compactness and strength, from five to eight- 
feet high, and prepared with double port holes very 
artfully arranged. The figure of this wall manifested, 
no less skill in the projection of it, than its construc- 
tion; an army could not approach it without being, 
exposed to a double and cross fire from the enemy, w ho. 
lay in perfect security behind it. 

In this bend the warriors from Oakfusky, Oakeha- 
gu, New Youka, Hiliibee, the Fish Ponds, and Eu- 
fauta towns, apprised of our approach, had collected 
their strength. Their exact number cannot be as- 
certained ; but it is said by the prisoners we have tak r 
en to have been a thousand. 

Early on the morning of the 27th, having encamp- 
ed the preceding night at the distance of five miles 
from them — I detailed Gen. Coffee with the mounted 
men and nearly the whole of the Indian force, to 
cross the river at a ford about 3 miles below their en- 
campment, and to surround the bend in such a man- 
ner that none of them should escape by attempting to 
cross the river. With the remainder ot the forces I 



HISTORY OP THE WAR. 28$ 

proceeded slowly and in order, along the point of 
land which led to the front of their breast work ; hav- 
ing 1 planted my cannon (one six and one three poun- 
der) on an eminence at the distance of 150 or 200 
yards from it, I opened a very brisk fire, playing up- 
on the enemy with the muskets and rifles whenever 
they shewed themselves beyond it ; this was kejt up, 
with short interruptions, for about two hours, whe^i a 
part of the Indian force, and Capt. Russell's and 
Lieut. Bean's companies of spies, who had accom- 
panied Gen. Coffee, crossed over in canoes to the 
extremity of the bend, and set tire to the buildings 
which were there situated ; they then advanced with 
great gallantry towards the breast work, and com- 
menced a spirited fire upon the enemy behind it. 

Finding that this force, notwithstanding the bravery 
they displayed, was wholly insufficient to dislodge 
them, and that Gen. Coffee had entirely secured the 
opposite bank of the river, I now determined to take 
their works by storm. The men by whom this was 
to be effected had been waiting with impatience to re- 
ceive their order, and hailed it with acclamation. 

The spirit which animated them was a sure augury 
of the success which was to follow. The history of 
warfare furnishes few instances of a more brilliant 
attack— the regulars led on by their intrepid and skil- 
ful commander, Col. Williams, and by the gallant 
Major Montgomery, soon gained possession of the 
works in the midst of a most tremendous fire from 
behind them, and the militia of the venerable Gen. 
Doherty's brigade, accompanied them in the charge, 
with a vivacity and firmness that would have done 
honor to regulars. The enemy were completely rout- 
ed. Five hundred and fifty-seven were left dead on 
the peninsula.* 

The fighting continued with some severity about 
five hours, but we continued to destroy many of them 

* Gen. Coffee in his account tt; Gen. Jackson, says, there were 
not less than 250 killed, in attempting to cross the river, which 
sunk, and were not included in the ahov.-v 
37 



290 HISTORY OF THE AVAR. 

who had concealed themselves under the banks of the 
river until we were prevented by the night. This 
morning we killed 16 which had been concealed. — 
We took 250 prisoners, all women and children ex- 
cept two or three. Our loss is 106 wounded, and 26 
killed. Major M'lntosh (the Cowetan) who joined 
my army with part of his tribe, greatly distinguished 
himself. 

According to my original purpose, I commenced 

my return march for fort Williams to-day, and shall, 

if I find supplies there, hasten to the Hickory ground. 

The power of the Creeks is, I think, for ever broken. 

I have the honor to be, (Sec. 

ANDREW JACKSON, Maj. Gen. 



CHAPTER XI. 

CAPT. PORTERS CRUISE. 

Copt. Porter to the Secretary of the Navy. 
U. S. Frigate Essex, Pacific Ocean, July 2d, 1818. 

SIR — On the 23d March last, I sailed snapping 
my course to the northward, and on the 26th of the 
same month, fell in with the Peruvian corsair ship 
J^ereyda, mounting 15 guns : she had a few days be- 
fore, captured two American whale ships, the crews 
of which (amounting in number to 24 men) were 
then detained prisoners on board her ; and they assign 
no other motive for the capture, than that they were 
the allies of G. Britain, and as such, should capture 
all American vessels they could fall in with ; there- 
fore, to prevent in future such vexatious proceedings, 
I threw all her armament into the sea, liberated the 
Americans, and dismissed the Nereyda. 

I then proceeded with all possible dispatch for Li- 
ma, to intercept one of the detained vessels, which had 
farted with the Nereyda only three days before, and 
was so fortunate as to arrive there and recapture her 
on the 5th April, at the moment she was entering the 
port. This ressel (the ship Barclay, Cant. Gideon 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. ~'0i 

Randall, of New Bedford,) I took under my protection' 
and have had her with me ever since. 

From Lima, J proceeded for the Galapagos 
Island where I captured the following British Letters of 
marque ships. 

Montezuma, — 2 guns, 21 men — Policy, 10 guns, 
26* men — Georgians, (5 guns, 25 men — Atlantic, 6 
guns, 24 men — Greenwich, 10 guns, 25 men. 

The Georgiana being reputed a very fast sailer, and 
apparently well calculated tor a cruiser, I mounted 
10 guns on her and gave the command of her to thai 
excellent officer, Lieut. John Downes, with a com- 
plement of 42 men. 

Lieut. Downes joined me at Tumbez, near Guiaquil, 
on the coast of Peru, on the 24th June, after captur- 
ing three Letter of Marque ships. 

Hector, 11 guns 25 men — Catharine, 8 guns, 29 
men — Rose, 8 gun, 21 men. 

The first had two men killed and six badly wound- 
ed in her rencontre with the Georgiana — and I have 
found by experience that the Georgiana did not de- 
serve the character given of her for sailing. I there- 
fore shipped her officers and crew to the Atlantic, 
and mounted on her 20 guns, with a complement of 
60 men, and appointed midshipman Rich. Dashiell, 
acting sailing master, on board her; to this vessel I 
gave the name of Essex Junior. I also lilted up the 
ship Greenwich as a store ship, and mounted on her 
20 guns, placing her under the command of Lieut. 
Gamble, of the marines. On board her I have put 
all the provisions and stores of my other prizes, ex- 
cept a supply of three and a half months for each, and 
have by this means secured myself a full supply of 
every necessary article for seven months. I had hoped 
to dispose of my other prizes at Guiaquil : the Govs, 
in Peru, however, are excessively alarmed at my ap- 
pearance on the coast, as my fleet amounts now to 
nine sail of vessels, all formidable in their appearance, 
and they would if they dare, treat us with a hostility 
little short of declared enemies. 



292 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

Indeed, sir, \\ hen I compare my present situation 
with what it was when I doubted Ctipe Horn, 1 can* 
not but esteem myself fortunate in an extraordinary 
degree. There my ship was shattered by tempestu- 
ous weather, and destitute of every thing' ; my offi- 
cers and crew half starved, naked, and worn out with 
fatigue. Now, sir, my ship is in prime order, abun- 
dantly supplied with every thing necessary for her. I 
have a noble ship for a consort of 20 guns, and well 
manned, astore ship of 20 guns, and well supplied 
with the best of every thing that we may want, and 
prizes which would be worth in England two millions 
of dollars: and what renders the comparison more 
pleasing, the enemy has furnis! ed all. 

The times of my best men have expired ; but their 
attachment to the ship and their zeal for the service 
Me are engaged on, prevent all complaints on that 
account. It is not probable that you will hear of me 
forseveral months to come, unless some disaster hap- 
pens ; but I beg leave to assure you, sir, that I shall* 
not be idle. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

D. PORTER. 

Loss of Fort Niagara.— Gen.MCiure, about the first 
of Dec. 1813, abandoned fort George, in Canada, and 
burnt the town of Newark, adjoining it, as a measure, 
he says, to prevent the enemy's occupying fort George, 
after he had left it. On the 18th of the same month 
the British crossed to Lewistown, in considerable 
force, and burnt it to the ground; when tneir Allies 
were set at liberty, and indulged freely in their brutal 
excesses, in murdering our defenceless citizens ; they 
then attacked and burnt Manchester, and Tuscarora, 
the latter an Indian town. In the mean tune the Bri- 
tish attacked fort Niagara, and took it by storm, at 4 
o'clock on the morning of the 19th ; the gate being 
0|>en, after they had surprised the picket thev entered 
before they were discovered, when a scene of terrible 
slaughter took place. They were not opposed by 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 29# 

anv, except a few wounded men in the southeast block 
house, and a few of the guard, but, strange as it may 
appear, the e.iemy bayonetted about 80 of our men, 
chiefly after they had cried for quarters. The pre- 
ceeding facts were sworn to before a justice, by Robert 
Lee, a gentleman of Lewistown, who was in the fort 
when taken. 

Burning of Buffahe and Black Rock.- — Soon after 
the storming" of fort Niagara, and the burning of Lew- 
istown, &c. Maj. Gen. Hall repaired to the frontiers, 
for the purpose of collecting a force, (militia) suffi- 
cient to defend Buffaloe and Black Rock. From the 
22d, Dec to the 29th, Gen. Hall had collected about 
2000 troops, militia and exempts, but was reduced to 
1200 by desertions, on the morning of the battle of the 
30th. In the evening of the 29th (says Gen. Hall, in 
a letter of the 30th Dec. to Gov. Tompkins,) atabout 
12 o'clock, 1 received information that one of our pa- 
troles had been fired on, one mile below Black Rock. 
The enemy advanced and took possession of the bat- 
tery near Conjokaties creek. The troops were imme- 
diately formed, and stood by their arms. I was not 
ye t certain what point the enemy meant to attack. 
Being anxious to anticipate the enemy's landing, to 
meet him at the water's edge, I gave orders for the 
troops at the Rock, to attack the enemy, and dislodge 
them from the battery, and to drive them their boats. 
The attempt failed through the confusion into which the 
militia were thrown, on the first fire of the enemy, and 
the darkness of the night. I then ordered corps un- 
der Major Adams, and Col. Chapin, to make the at- 
tack. These ttiree detachments were thrown into 
confusion, and were of no service afterwards. As the 
day dawned, I discovered a detachment of the enemy's 
boats crossing to our shore, and bending their course 
towards the rear of Gen. Porter's house. I immedi- 
ately ordered Col. Blakeslie to attack the enemy's 
force at the water's e{\ge. I now became satisfied as 
to the disposition and object of the enemy. Their 
left wing composed of about 1000 regulars, militia. 



294 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

and Indians, had been landed below the creek, under 
cover of the night. With their centre consisting of 
400 royal Scotts, commanded by Col. Gordon, the 
battle was commenced. Their right whicli was pur- 
posely weak, was landed near the mam battery, mere-, 
]y to divert our force, the whole under the immediate 
command of Lieut. Gen. Drummond and led on by 
Maj. Gen. Riall. They were attacked by four 
field pieces in the battery and at the water's edge ; 
at the same time the battery from the other side of the 
river opened a heavy fire upon us, of shells, hotshot, 
and ball. The whole force now opposed to the enemy 
•was at most, not over 600 men, the remainder having 
fled, in spite of the exertions of their officers. These 
few, but brave men, disputed every inch of ground, 
with the steady coolness of veterans, at the expence of 
many valuable lives. The defection of the militia, 
and the reserve, and loss of the services of the cavalry, 
by reason of the ground on which they must act, left the 
forces engaged, exposed to the enemy's tire in front 
and flank. After standing their ground for half an 
hour, opposed by an overwhelming force and nearly 
surrounded, a retreat became necessary to their safety, 
and was accordingly ordered. I then made every ef- 
fort to rally the troops, with a view to attack their 
columns as they entered the village of Buff'aloe ; 
but alt in vain. Deserted by my principal force I fell 
back that night to Eleven Mile creek, and was forced 
to leave the flourishing villages of Black Rock and 
Buftaloe a prey to the enemy, which they have pillag- 
ed and laid in ashes. They have gained but little 
plunder from the public stores ; the chief loss has fal- 
len upon individuals.' 

Our loss was 50 killed, — 40 wounded, — and 69 
prisoners, and one cannon, f I regret to add, (says 
Gen. Hall, to Gov. Tompkins, in his letter of Jan. 13) 
that on repossessing the battle ground, we collect- 
fid 50 dead bodies, yet unburied, of the battle of the 
30th ult. The enemy admit their loss, to be, in killed 
and wounded, 300.' 



HISTORY OF THE WAH. 20^ 

Col. Butler to Gen. Harrison. 

Detroit, March 7, 1814, 

[Extract] SIR — By Lieut. Shannon, of the 27th 
regiment, U. S. infantry, I have the honor of inform- 
ing- you, that a detachment of the troops under my 
command, led by Capt. Holmes of the 24th regiment, 
IT. S. infantry, have obtained asignal victory over the 
enemy. 

The affair took place on the 4th inst. about 100 
miles from this place, on the river De Trench. Our 
force consisted of no more than 160 rangers and 
mounted infantry. The enemy, had from their own 
acknowledgment 236. The fine light company 
of the royal Scots is totally destroyed ; they led the 
attack most gallantly, and their commander tell with- 
in ten paces of our front line. The light company of 
the 89th has also suffered severely ; one officer of that 
company fell, one is a prisoner, and another is said to 
be badly wounded. In killed, and wounded, and pri- 
soners, the enemy lost about 80 — whilst on our part 
there were but four killed and four wounded. This 
great disparity in the loss on each side, is to be attri- 
buted to be very judicious position occupied by Capt. 
Holmes, who compelled the enemy to attack him at 
great disadvantage ; this, even more than his gallantry, 
merits the laurel. 

We took one hundred head of cattle also from the 
enemy, intended for Long Point or Burlington. 

H. BUTLER, Lieut. Col. 

WARRINGTON'S VICTORY. 

Capt. Warrington to the Secretary of the Navy. 

U . S. sloop Peacock, at sea, April 29th, 1814. 

[Extract] SIR — I have the honor to inform you, 
that we have this morning captured, after an action of 
42 minutes, his Majesty's brig Epervier, rating and 
mounting 18 32 pound carronades, with 128 men, of 
whom 11 were kiled and 1-3 wounded. Not a man 
in the Peacock was killed and only two wounded, 
neither dangerously so. The fate of the Epervier 
would have been determined in much less time, but 



206 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

for the circumstances of our fore-yard being totally 
disabled by two round shot in the starboard quarter 
from her first broadside, which entirely deprived us of 
the use of our fore and fore-ton-sails, and compelled us 
to keep the ship large throughout the remainder of the 
action. 

This, with a few top-mast and top-gallant-back 
stays cut away, a few shot through our sails, is the on- 
ly injury the Peacock has sustained. Not a round 
shot touched our hull ; our masts and spars are as 
sound as ever. When the enemy struck, he had five 
feet water in his hold, his main- top-mast was over the 
side, his main boom shot away, his tore-mast cut near- 
ly in two and tottering, his fore rigging and stays shot 
away, his bowsprit badly wounded, and 45 shot holes 
in his hull, 20 of' which were within a foot of his water 
line. By great exertion, we got her in sailing order 
just as the dark came on. 

In 15 minutes after the enemy struck, the Peacock 
was ready for another action, in every respect but her 
fore-yard, which was sent down, finished, and had the 
fore-sail set again in 45 minutes — such was the spirit 
and activity or our gallant crew. The Epervier had un- 
der her convoy an English hermaphrodite brig, a 
Russian and a Spanish ship, which ail hauled their 
wind and stood to the E. N. E. I had determined 
upon pursuing the former, but found that it would not 
answer to leave our prize in her then crippled state; and 
the more particularly so, as we found she had £]20,0u0 
in specie, which we soon transferred to this sloop. 
Every officer, seamen and marine did his duty, which 
is the highest complement! can pay them. 

I have the honor to be,8cc. 

L. WARRINGTON. 

Lieut. Woolsey to Com. Chauncey. 

Sackett's Harbor, June 1, 1814. 
[Extract.] SIR — I had the honor to receive per 
express your communication of the 27ih, vesting in 
me discretionary powers. I immediately despatched 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 297 

Mr. Dixon in the long; gig, to reconnoitre the coast. 
I went with my officers to the falls, to run the boats 
down over the rapids. At sun set we arrived at Os- 
wego with the boats (19 in number) loaded in all 
with 21 long 32 pounders, ten 21 pounders, three 42 
do. (carronades) and 10 cables, besides some light 
articles, and distributed in the batteaux a guard of 
about 150 riflemen, under command of Major Ap- 
pling. Mr. Dixon having returned with a report of 
the coast being clear, we set off at dark and arrived 
at Big Salmon river about sunrise on the 29th, with 
the loss of one boat having on board two 24 pounders 
and one cable. 

At B.g Salmon we met the Oneidas, whom I had 
despatched the day previous, under the command of 
Lieut. Hill, of the rifle regiment. As soon as they 
had taken up their line of march along the shore to 
B.g Sandy Creek, I started with all the boats and ar- 
rived at our place of destination about two miles up 
the Creek. At 2 P. M. on the 30th, I received your 
letter of the 29th, 6 P. M. per express, and agreeably 
to the order contained therein, sent Lieut. Pierce to 
lookout as far as Stoney Point: about 6 he returned, 
having been pursued by a gun boat and three barges. 
The best possible disposition was made of the rifle- 
men and Indians, about half a mile below our boats. 
About 8 A. M a cannonading at long shot was com- 
menced by the enemy, and believing (as I did) that 
no attempt would be made to la; id with their small 
force, I ordered Lieut. Pierce to proceed in erecting 
sheers and making preparations to unload the boats. 
About 9 o'clock Capt. Harris With a squadron of 
dragoons, and Capt. Melvin with a company of light 
artillery and 2 impounders, arrived. Capt. Harris, 
the commanding officer, agreed with me that this re- 
inforcement should halt, as the troops best calculated 
for a bush fight were already on the ground, where 
they could act to the greatest advantage, and that the 
enemy seeing a large reinforcement arrive, would 
most probably retreat. About 10, the enemy having 
38 



298 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

landed and pushed up the creek with four gun boats, 
three cutters, and one gig — the riflemen under that 
excellent officer, Major Appling, rose from their conr- 
cealment, and after a smart fire ot about 10 minutes, 
succeeded in capturing all the boats and their crews, 
M.thout one having escaped, At about o P. M- 
buried, with the honors of war, Mi. Hoare (a British 
midshipman) killed in the action. 

The enemy's loss in this affair, is 14 killed, 2$ 
tvounded, and 141 prisoners, including two post 
Captains, and six Lieutenants; 4 gun boats, one car- 
rying 1 24-pounder, and one 68 lb. carronade ; each 
of the others carrying two heavy guns \ two cutters 
and one gig. 

1 have the honor to be, &c. 

M. T. WOOLSEY. 

LOSS OF THE ESSEX. 
Capt. For lev to the Secretary oj the Navy.' 

Essex Junior, at sea, July 3, 1814. 
[Extract.] SIR — I sailed from the Delaware, Oct. 
27, 1812, and repaired to Port Pra\a, JNoronho, and 
Cape Fno. On my passage from Port Praya to No* 
jvnho, I captured his B. M. Packet Norton ; after tak- 
ing out 11,000 pounus sterling in specie, sent her for 
America. Oti Cape Frio I captured a schooner with 
hides and tallow, and sent her into Porto Rico. I 
proceeded to St. Catherines, to supply my ship with 
provisions. From St. Catherines I shaped my course 
for the Pacific, and arrived at Valparaiso March 14, 
1813 Of the success we met with in our next cruise 
you have been informed in my letter of July 2, 1813. 
1 received information that the Phoebe frigate, and 
Racoon and Cherub sloops of war, were in pursuit of 
me. My si.ip, after being near a year at sea, requiiv 
ed some repairs to put her in a state to meet them ; 
which 1 determined to do, and repaired, with my 
prizes, to the Island of Nooaheevah, or Madiaon 
Is;and, where I completely overhauled my ship, and 
took on board, from the prizes, provisions aud stores 



lilSTORY OF tHE WAR. 299 

for upwards of four months, and sailed for the coast 
of Ouli, Dec. 12,1813. Previous to sailing I se- 
cured the Seringapatam, Greenwich, and Sir A. 
Hammond, under the guns of a battery which I had 
erected for their protection ; (after taking" possession 
of this fine Island, for the United States, and estab- 
lishing the most friendly intercourse with its natives) 
I left them under the care of Lieut. Gamble and 21 
men, with orders to repair to Valparaiso after a cer- 
tain period. Believing Com. Hillyer would be most 
likely to appear at Valparaiso first, I therefore deter- 
mined to cruise about that place. Agreeably to my 
expectations the Com. arrived at that place ; but 
contrary to my expectations, he brought with him the 
Cherub sloop of war, mounting 28 guns, and a com- 
plement of 180 men. The force of the Phoebe, the 
Coin's, flag ship, was 30 long 18 pounders, 16 32 b. 
carronades, and 7 3 pounders in her tops, in all 53 
guns, and a crew of 320 men ; making a force of 81 
guns and 500 men. The force of the Essex was 40 
32 lb. carronades and 6 Ions: twelve's, and her crew 
had been reduced by manning out her prizes to 255 
men. They provisioned, and went off the port for 
the purpose of blockading me. I often endeavored 
to provoke a challenge, and bring the Phoebe alone 
to action with the Essex, but without success. There 
were no hopes of any advantages to my country from 
a longer stay in port; I therefore determined to put 
to sea the first opportunity. The 28th of March, the 
day after this resolution was formed, the wind blew 
fresh from the southward, when I parted my larboard 
cable and dragged directly out to sea. Not a mo- 
ment was to be lost in getting sail on the ship. On 
rounding the point a heavy squall struck us, and car- 
ried away our main top-mast, precipitating four men 
into the sea, who drowned, Both ships now gave 
chase ; seeing I could not recover my former anchor- 
age in my disabled slate, I ran close into a small bay, 
and anchored within pistol shot of the shore, under 
cover of two batteries off Valparaiso, which being 



300 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

neutral were bound to protect me ; at least till I had 
repaired damages. I had not succeeded in repairing 
or getting- a spring on my cable when the enemy at 
54 minutes past 3, P. M. made his attack. The 
Phoebe placing herself under my stern, and the Che- 
rub on my starboard bow; but finding that situation a 
hot one, she bore up and run under my stern also ; 
where both ships kept up a raking fire. I had got 
3 long 12 pounders out of the stern ports, which were 
worked with so much bravery that in half an hour we 
so disabled both as to compel them to haul off to re- 
pair damages. My ship had received many injuries, 
and several had been killed and wounded, but all ap- 
peared determined to defend the ship to the last, and 
to die in preference to a shameful surrender. The 
enemy soon repaired his damages, and made a fresh 
attack with both ships on my starboard quarter, out 
of reach of my carronades, and where my stern guns 
could not be brought to bear — he there kept up a gal- 
ling fire which it was out of my power to return. 
The only rope not cut was the flying gib-halliards, 
and that being the only sail 1 could set, I caused it to 
be hoisted, my cables to be cut, and run down on 
both ships, with an intention of laying the Phoebe on 
board. 

The firing on both sides was now tremendous ; I 
had let fall my fore-topsail and foresail, but the 
want of tacks and sheets rendered them useless, yet 
were we enabled for a short time to close with the 
enemy, although our decks were strewed with the 
dead, our cockpit filled with wounded, our ship had 
been several times on fire, and a perfect wreck, we 
were still encouraged to hope to save her, as the 
Cherub in her crippled state, had been compelled to 
haul off. The Phoebe, from our disabled state, was 
enabled to edge off, and choose her distance, for her 
long guns, and kept up such a tremendous tire, as to 
mow down my brave companions by the do/en. I 
now gave up all hopes of closing with him, and de- 
termined to run on shore, land my men, and destroy 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 301 

the vessel. We had. approached the shore within 
musket shot, when in an instant the wind shifted, and 
payed our head down on the Phoebe. My ship was 
now totally unmanageable ; yet, as her head was to- 
ward the enemy, and he to the leeward of me, I still 
hoped to be able to board him. Finding the enemy 
was determined to avoid being boarded, and my ship 
alarmingly on tire, and the slaughter on board having 
become most horrible, I directed a hawser to be bent 
to the sheet anchor, and the bow anchor to be cut, to 
bring her head round : this succeeded, and we again 
got our guns to bear ; but the hawser soon gave way 
and left us a perfect wreck. The flames were burst- 
ing up the hatchway, and no hopes were entertained 
of saving the ship, as a quantity of powder had al- 
ready exploded, and the fire had nearly reached the 
magazine, which served to increase the honors of our 
situation. I therefore directed those who could swim 
to jump overboard and gain the shore. Some reach- 
ed it — some were taken by the enemy — and some 
perished. We who remained, turned our attention 
wholly to extinguishing the flames ; when we had 
succeeded, went again to our guns, where the tiring 
was kept up for some minutes. Almost every gun 
having been dismounted, and the impossibility of 
making further attempts to capture our antagonists, 
and the entreaties of the remainder of my brave 
crew, to surrender to save the wounded, I sent 
for the officers of divisions to consult them, but 
what was my surprise, to find only acting Lieut. 
M'Knight remaining. I was informed that the cock- 
pit, steerage, wardroom, and birth-deck would con- 
tain no more wounded ; and that the ship was filling 
with water very fast. The enemy were enabled from 
the smoothness of the water, to take aim at us as a 
target — in fine, I saw no hopes of Saving my vessel 
or making my escape, and at 20 minutes past 6 P. M. 
gave the painful order to strike the colors, b'eventy- 
five men, including officers, were all that remained 
of my crew when the colors were struck., capable *>V 



302 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

doing duty. I directed an opposite gun fired to shew 
we intended no further resistance; but they did not 
desist; a number of men were killed by my side and in 
other parts of the ship. I now believed 1 e intended to 
show us no quarter, and thought it would be as well to 
die with my flag flying as struck, and was on the 
point of again hoisting it, when 10 minutes after 
hauling the colors down, he ceased firing. 

I must in justification of myself and crew observe, 
that with our six twelve pounders only, we fought this 
action, our carronades being almost useless. 

Our loss is 58 killed — 65 wounded — and 31 mis^ 
sing — total 154. I have the honor, &cl 

DAVID PORTER. 

[Extract] Com. Channcey to the Secretary of the Navy . 
U. S. ship Superior, Sackett's Harbor, May 16, IN 14. 
The enemy has paid dearly for the little booty 
which he obtained at Oswego. From the best infor- 
mation which I can collect, both from deserters and 
my agents, the enemy lost 70 men killed and 165 
wounded, drowned and missing — in all, 235 ; nearly 
as many as were opposed to them. Capt. Mulcaster 
is certainly mortally wounded ; a Capt, of marines 
killed, and a number of other officers killed and 
wounded. 

Col. Mitchell, to Gen. Brown. 
Head Quarters, Oswego, May 8th, 1814. 
[Extract] SIR — I informed you oi my arrival at 
fort Oswego on the 30th ult. This post being but 
occasionally and not recently occupied by regular 
troops, was in a bad state of defence. Of cannon we 
had but five old guns, three of which had lost their 
trunnions. What could be done in the way of repair 
was effected. On the 5th inst. the British naval force, 
consisting of four large ships, three brigs and a num- 
ber of gun and other boats were descried at reveillebeat- 
iwg about seven miles from the fort. Information 
was immediately given to Capt. Woolsey of the navy, 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 303 

(who was at Oswego village) and to the neighboring 
militia. It being doubtful on what side of the river 
the enemy would attempt to land, and my force, (290 
effectives) being too small to bear division, I ordered 
the tents in store }o be pitched on the village side, 
while I occupied the other with my whole force. It 
is probable that this artifice had its effect and deter- 
mined the enemy to attack where, from appearances, 
they expected the least opposition. About one 
o'elcok the fleet approached. Fifteen boats, large and 
crowded with troops, at a given signal, moved slow- 
ly to the shore. These were preceded by gun-boats 
sent to rake the woods and cover the landing, while 
the larger vessels opened a fire upon the fort. Capt. 
Boyle and Lieut. Legate, (so soon as the debarking 
boats got within range of our shot) opened upon them 
a very successful fire from the shore battery, and 
compelled them twice to retire. They at length re- 
turned to the ships and the whole stood off from the 
shore for better anchorage. One of the enemy's boats 
which had been deserted, was taken up by us, and 
some others by the militia. The first mentioned was 
sixty feet long, carried thirty-six ours and three sails 
and could accommodate 150 men. She had receiv- 
ed a ball through her bow, and was nearly filled with 
water. 

At day break on the 6th the fleet appeared bear- 
ing up under easy sail. The Wolfe, &c. took a posi- 
tion directly against the fort and batteries, and for three 
hours kept up a heavy fire of grape, &c. Finding that 
the enemy had effected a landing, I withdrew my 
small disposable force into the rear of the fort, and 
with two companies met their advancing columns, 
while the other companies engaged the flanks of the 
enemy. Lieut. Pearce of the navy and some seamen, 
joined in the attack and fought with their character- 
istic bravery. We maintained our ground about 
thirty minutes, and as long as consisted with my fur- 
ther duly of defending the public stores deposited at 
the falls, which no doubt formed the principal object 



304 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

of the expedition on the part of the enemy. Nor was 
this movement made precipitately. I halted within 
400 yards of the fort. Capt. Romayne's company 
formed the rear guard, and, remaining 1 with it, I 
marched to this place in good order, destroying the 
bridges in my rear. The enemy landed six hundred 
of De Watteville's regiment, six hundred marines, 
two companies of the Glengary corps, and three hun- 
dred and fifty seamen. 

Gen. Drummond and Com. Yeo were the land and 
naval commanders. They burned the old barracks 
and evacuated the fort about 3 o'clock in the morning 
oi the 7th. 

Our loss in killed, is six ; in wounded, thirty-eight 
— and in missing, twenty five. The enemy lost 70 
killed, and 165 wounded, drowned, and prisoners. 

Gen. Brown to the Secretary of I Far. 

Head- Quarters, Chippewa, July 1th, 1814. 
[Extract.'] SIR — On the 2d inst. I issued orders 
for crossing the Niagara, and made arrangements 
deemed necessary for securing the garrison of Port 
Erie — the 3d, that post surrendered, at 5 P. M. Our 
loss in this affair, was 4 wounded ; 137 prisoners, in- 
cluding 1 Maj. 1 Capt. 3Lieuts. and 1 ensign, with 
the ammunition and cannon belonging to the post 
were surrendered to us. 

— On the morning of the 4th, Brig. Gen. Scott, was 
ordered to advance towards Chippewa, and be 
governed by circumstances ; taking care to secure a 
good military position for the night; after some skir- 
mishing, he selected this plain with the eye of a sol- 
dier, his right resting on the river, and a ravine being 
in front. At 11 at night I joined him, with the reserve 
under Brig. Gen. Ripley, with our field and battering 
train, and corps of artillery. The next morning Gen. 
Porter arrived with a part of the Pennsylvania and 
N. York volunteers, and some Indians. Early in 
themorui ig of the 5th, the enemy commenced a petty 
war upon our pickets, and, as he was indulged, his 
presumption increased. 



HISTORY OP THE WAR. 805 

At 4 P. M. agreeably to my orders, Gen. Porter 
advanced from the rear of our camp, taking- the 
woods in order to keep out of view of the enemy, in 
hopes of surrounding their scouting parties. In 
half an hour Porter's command met the light parties 
and drove them to camp ; and near Chippewa, met 
their whole column in order of battle. I immediate- 
ly ordered Gen. Scott to advance withij^is br.gade, 
and Towsan's artillery, who met them upon the high 
plain in front of our camp. He advanced in the 
most officer like style, and in a few minutes was in 
close action, with a superior force of British regulars. 
Gen. Porter's command had given way, and fled in 
every direction, which caused Scott's ieft flank to be 
greatly exposed. Capt. Harris, with his dragoons> 
was directed to stop the fugitives, behind the ravine 
fronting our camp ; Gen. Ripley was directed to pass 
to the left and skirt the woods, so as to keep out of 
view, a id fall upon the rear of the enemy's right flank. 
This order was promptly obeyed, and the greatest 
exertions made to close with the enemy but in vain ; 
for such was the zeal and activity of the line com- 
manded by Gen. Scott, that it was not to be checked. 
Maj. Jessup, commanding the left flank, finding him- 
self pressed in front and flank, and his men falling 
fast around him, ordered his battallion to * support 
arms, and advance ;' the order was prompt y 
obeyed, amidst a most deadly and destructive fire. 
He gained a more secure position, and returned upon, 
the enemy so galling a discharge, as caused them to 
retire. By this time their whole line was falling 
back, and our gallant soldiers pressing upon them, 
when they brok o their lines, and ran to regain the.r 
works. In this effort he was too successful, when the 
guns opened immediately upon our line, checked, in 
some degree, the pursuit. At this moment, I deter- 
mined to bring up my ordnance, and force the place by 
a direct attack ; Maj. Wood, of the engineers ana 
Capt. Austin, my aid, rode to the right of their line 
39 



306 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

of works and examined them ; I was induced by their 
report, to order the forces to retire to camp, till a 
future time. Respectfully nnd truly vonrs, 

JACOB BROWN. 

AMERICAN EOSS. 

Killed 60 — wounded 244 — missing 1 19. 

BRITISH EOSS. 

Killed' sw — wounded 320 — prisoners 245. 

Gen. Bronh to the Secretary of War. 

Buffalo, Aug. 17, 1814. 
[Extract.] SIR— You are already apprised that 
the army had on the 25th ult. taken a position at Chip- 
pewa. About noon of that day, Col. Swift, who was 
posted atLewistown, advised me by express, that the 
enemy appeared in considerable force in Queenstowu 
and on its heights ; that four of the enemy's fleet had 
arrived (hiring the preceding night, and were then 
laying near Fort Niagara, and that a number of boats 
were in view, moving up the streight. Within a few 
minutes after this intelligence had been received, I 
was further informed by Capt. Denmon, -of the Quar- 
ter-Master's department, that the enemy was landing 
at Lewistown, and that our baggage and stores at 
Schlosser, and on their way thither, were in danger of 
immediate capture. Gen. Scott, with the 1st brigade, 
Townson's artillery, and all the dragoons and mount- 
ed men, were accordingly put in march or. the road 
leading to Queenstovvn, with orders to report if the 
enemy appeared, and to call for assistance if that 
was necessary. On the General's arrival at the Falls 
he learned that the enemy was in force directly in his 
front — a narrow piece or woods alone intercepting hi.-> 
view of them. Waiting only to give this information, 
he advanced upon them. By the time Assistant Adj. 
Gen. Jones had delivered his message, the action be- 
gan ; and before the remaining part of the division 
had crossed the Chippewa, it had become close and 
general between the advance corps. Though G< j u. 
Ripley with the 2d brigade, major Ilindman with the 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 307 

corps' of avtillery, and Gen. Porter at the head of his 
command, had respectively pressed forward with ar- 
dor, it was not less than an hour before they were 
brought to sustain Gen. Scott, during which time his 
command most skilfully and gallantly maintained the 
conflict. Upon my arrival 1 found that the General 
had passed the wood and engaged the enemy at 
Queenstown road, and on the ground to the left of 
it, with the 9th, 11th, and 22d regis, fend Townson's 
artillery. The 25th had been thrown to the right to 
be governed by circumstances. Apprehending that 
these corps were much exhausted, and knowing that 
they had suffered severely, I determined to interpose 
a new line with the advancing troops, and thus dis- 
engage Gen. Scott and hold his brigade in reserve. 
Orders were accordingly given to Gen. Ripley. The 
enemy's artillery at this moment occupied a hill which 
gave him great advantages, and was the key of the 
whole position. It was supported by a line of infant- 
ry. To secure the victory, it was necessary to carry 
this artillery and seize the height. This duty was as- 
signed to Col. Miller, while, to favor its execution, 
the 1st regt. under the command of Col. Nicholas, 
was directed to menace and amuse the infantry. To 
my great mortification, this regt. after a discharge 
or two, give way and retreated some distance before 
it could be rained, though it is believed the officers 
of the regiment exerted themelves to shorten this dis- 
tance. In the mean time, Col. Miller, without re- 
gard to this occurrence, advanced steadily and gal- 
lantly to his object and carried the height and the 
cannon. Gen. Ripley brought up the 2'3d (which 
had also faultered) to his support, and the enemy dis- 
appeared from before them. The 1st regiment was 
now brought into line on the left of the 21st, and the 
deiachinents of the 17th and 19th, Gen. Porter oc- 
cupying, with his command, the extreme left. About 
the time Coi. Miller carried the enemy's cannon, the 
2 /th regiment, under Maj. .lessup, was engaged in a 
more obstinate conflict with all that remained to ciis- 



$08 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

pute with us the field of battle. The Maj. as has been 
already stated, had been ordered by Gen. Scott, at the 
commencement of the action, to take ground to his 
right. He had succeeded in turning the enemy's left 
flank — had captured (by a detachment under Captain 
Ketchum) Gen. liiall and sundry other officers, and 
shewed himself again to his own army, in a blaze of 
fire, which defeated or destroyed a very superior force 
of the enemy. He was ordered to form on the right 
of the 2d regiment. The enemy rallying his forces, 
and as is believed, having received reinforcements, 
now attempted to drive us from our position, and re- 
gain his artillery. Our line was unshaken, and the 
enemy repulsed. Two other attempts having the 
same object, had the same issue. Gen. Scott was 
again engaged in repelling the former of these; 1 and 
the last I saw of him on the field of battle, he was 
near the head of his column, and giving to its march 
a direction that wouid have placed him on the ene- 
my's right. It was with great pleasure I saw the good 
order and intrepidity of Gen. Porter's volunteers from 
the moment of their arrival, but during the last charge 
of the enemy, those qualities were conspicuous. 
Stimulated by the examples set by their gallant lead- 
e •, by Maj. Wood, of the Pennsylvania corps, by Col. 
Dobbin, of New-York, and by their officers general- 
ly, they precipitated themselves upon the enemy's line, 
and made all the prisoners which were taken at this 
point of the action. 

Having been lor sometime wounded, and being a 
good deal exhausted by loss of blood, it became my 
wish to devolve the command on Gen. Scott, and re- 
tire from the field ; but on enquiry, I had the misfor- 
tune to learn, that he was disabled by wounds ; I 
therefore kept my post, and had the satisfaction to see 
the enemy's last effort repulsed. I now consigned the 
command to Gen. Hipley. 

1 saw and felt the victory was complete. The ex- 
haustion of our men was such as made some retresh- 
ment necessary. They particularly required water j 
I therefore ordered Gen. liipiey to return to camp. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 309 

after bringing off the dead, wounded, and artillery, 
which was effected in good order. 
I have the honor to be, Sic. 

JACOB BROWN. 
American Loss. 
Killed, 171— Wounded, 572— Missing, 110. 

British Loss. 
Killed, 184— Wounded, 559— Prisoners, 221. 



CHAPTER XII. 

Copy of a Letter from the mayor oj A lexandria to 
the mayor vf UeoryvUmn. 
DttAR Sir — Enclosed is a copy of the terms pro- 
posed to the common council of Alexandria, by the 
commanding officer of the squadron now lying before 
the town, to winch they were compelled to submit. 
Very respectfully, Sec. 

CHARLES SIMMS. 
TERMS OF CAPITULATION. 
His Majesty s skip Sea Horse, 
Off Alexandria, 29th Aug. 1814. 
Gentlemen — In consequence of a deputation 
yesterday received from the city of Alexandria, re- 
questing favora Ae terms tor the safety of the city, the 
undermentioned are the only conditions in my power 
to offer. 

The town of Alexandria, with the exception of 
public works, shall not be destroyed, unless hostilities 
are commenced on the part of the Americans, nor 
shall the inhabitants be molested in any manner what- 
ever, or their dwelling houses entered, if the follow- 
ing articles are complied with : 

Art. 1. All iiaval and ordnance stores, public or 
private, must be immediately delivered up. 

2. Possession will be immediately taken of all the 
shipping, and their furniture must be sent on board 
by the owners without delay. 



810 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

3. The vessels that have been sunk must be deliv- 
ered up in the state they were, on the 19th of August, 
the day of the squadron passing- the Kettle Bottoms. 

4. Merchandize of every description must be in- 
stantly delivered up, and to prevent any irregularity, 
that might be committed in its embarkation, the mer- 
chants have it at their option to load the vessels gener- 
ally employed for that purpose, when they shall be 
towed off by us. 

5. All merchandize that has been removed from 
Alexandria, since the 19th inst. is to be included in 
the above articles. 

6. Refreshments of every description to be suppli- 
ed the ships, and paid for at the market price, by bills 
on the British government. 

7. Officers will be appointed to see that articles 
No. 2, 3, 4 and o, are strictly complied with, and 
any deviation or non-compliance, on the part of the 
inhabitants of Alexandria, w.ll render this treaty null 
and void. 

J have the honor to be, &c. 

JOHN A. GORDON, 
Captain of H. 31. ship Sea Horse, 
and senior officer of Id, M. ships off Alexandria, 
To the common council 
of the town of Alexandria, 

Gen. Winder to the Secretary of War. 

Baltimore, August 27, 1814. 

SIR — When the enemy arrived at the mouth of 
the Potomac, of all the militia which I had been au- 
thorised to assemble there were but about 1700 in the 
held, from thirteen to fourteen hundred under general 
Stansbury near this place, and about 2o0 at Bladens- 
burgh, under lieutenant colonel Kramer. 

After all the force that coulu be put at my disposal 
jn that short time, and making such dispositions as I 
deemed best calculated to present the most respectable 
force at whatever point the enemy might strike, I was 
enabled by the most active and han assing movements 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 311 

of the troops to interpose befor the enemy at Bladens* 
burgh about five thousand men, including three hun- 
dred and fitly regulars and commodore Harney's com- 
mand. Much the largest portion of this force arriv- 
ed on the ground when the enemy were in sight, and 
were disposed of to support in the best manner liie 
position which Gen. Stansbury had taken. They 
had barely reached the ground before the action com- 
menced, which was about 1 o'clock P. M. of the 
24th inst. and continued about an hour. 

The artillery from Baltimore supported by major 
Pinkney's rifle battalion, and a part of captain Dough- 
tey's from the navy yard, were in advance to com- 
mand the pass of the bridge at Bladensburgh, and 
played upon the enemy, as I have since learned, with 
very destructive effect. But the rifle troops were ob- 
liged after some time to retire and of course artillery. 
Superior numbers however rushed upon them and 
made their retreat necessary, not however without 
great loss on the part of the enemy. 

The right and centre of Stansbury r s brigade con- 
sisting of lieutenant colonel Ragau's and Simler's 
regiments, generally gave way very soon afterwards, 
with the exception of about forty rallitd by colonel 
Ragan, after having lost his horse, and the whole or 
a part of captain Shower's company, both of whom 
general Stansbury represents to have made, even 
thus deserted, a gallant stand. 

The reserve under brigadier general Smith of the 
district of Columbia, with the militia of the city and 
Georgetown, with the regulars and some detachments 
of Maryland militia, flanked on their right by com- 
modore Barney and his brave fellows, and lieutenant 
colonel Beal, still were on the right on the hill, and 
maintained the contest for some time with great 
eiVect. 

It is not with me to report the conduct of commo- 
dore Barney and his command, nor can I speak from 
observation, being too remote, but the concurrent 
testimonv of all who did observe them, does them 



312 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

the highest justice for their brave resistance and the 
destructive effect they produced on the enemy. 

From the best intelligence, there remains but little 
doubt that the enemy lost at least tour hundred killed 
and wounded, and of these a very unusual portion 
killed. 

Our loss cannot, I ihink, be estimated at more than 
from thirty to forty killed, and fifty to sixty wounded. 

They took altogether about one hundred and twen- 
ty prisoners. 

I am with very great respect, sir, your obedient 
servant. WM. H. WINDER, 

Brig. Gen. 10th m.Ltary district. 

Com. Barney to the Secretary of the l\avy. 

Farm, at Elk ridge, Aug. 29, 1814. 
[Extract.] SIR — Tins is the first moment 1 have 
had it in my power to make a report of the proceed- 
ings of the forces under my command since I had the 
honor of seeing you on Tuesday, the 23d mst. at Uie 
camp at the * Old Fields.' On the afternoon of that 
day we were informed that the enemy was advancing 
upon us. Our army was put into order of battle and 
our positions taken ; my forces were on the ng t, 
flanked by the two battallions of the 36th and b&th 
regiments. A little before sunset Gen. Winder came 
to me and recommended that the heavy artillery- 
should be withrawn, with the exception of one twelve 
pounder to cover the retreat. We took up the line of 
march, and in the night entered Washington by the 
Eastern Branch bridge. The Gen. requested me to 
take command and place my artillery to defend the 
passage of the bridge on the Eastern Branch, as the 
enemy was approaching the city m lhat direction. 
I immediately put my guns in position, leaving the 
marines and the rest of my men at the barracks, to 
wait further orders. I was in this situation when I 
had the honor to meet you with the President and 
heads of Departments, when it was determined I 
should draw off my guns and man, and proceed to- 



HISTOliY OP THE WAft. 313 

Wards Bladensburg, which was immediately put into 
execution. On our way I was informed the enemy 
was within a mile of Bladensburg ; we hurried on, 
though the day was very hot, and my men much 
crippled from the severe marches we had experienced 
the preceding days. I preceded the men, and when 
I arrived at the line which separates the District from 
Maryland, the battle began. I sent an officer back 
to hasten on my men — they came up in a trot. We 
took our position on the rising ground, put the pieces 
in battery, posted the marines under Capt. Miller, 
and flotilla men, who were to act as infantry under their 
own officers, on my right, to support the pieces, and 
waited the approach of the enemy. During this pe- 
riod the engagement continued — the enemy advanc- 
ing, and ottr army retreating before them — apparently 
in much disorder. At length the enemy made his 
appearance on the main road in force and in front of 
my battery, and on seeing us made a halt ; I reserved 
our fire; in a few minutes the enemy again advanced, 
when I ordered an 18 pounder to be fired, which 
completely cleared the road ; shortly after, a second 
and third attempt was made by the enemy to come 
forward, but all who made the attempt were destroy- 
ed. The enemy then crossed over into an open field 
and attempted to flank our right. He was there met 
by three 12 pounders, the marines under captain Mil- 
ler, and my men acting as infantry, and again was to- 
tally cut up. By this time not a vestige of the Ame- 
rican army remained, except a body of five or six 
hundred posted on a height on my right, from whom 
T expected much support from their fine situation. — 
The enemy from this period never appeared in front 
of us. He however pushed forward his sharp shoot- 
ers, one of whom shot my horse from under me, 
which fell dead between two of my guns. The ene- 
my, who had been kept in check by our fire nearly 
half an hour, now began to out flank us on the right. 
Our guns were turned that way — he pushed up the 
hill about two or three hundred men towards the corps 
40 



314 HISTORY OF THE WAIl. 

of Americans stationed as above described, who to 
my great mortification made no resistance, giving- a 
fire or two and retiring. 

In this situation we had the whole army of the en- 
emy to contend with ; our ammunition was expended, 
and unfortunately the drivers of my ammunition 
waggons had gone off in the general panic. At this 
time I received a severe wound in my thigh. Finding 
the enemy now completely in our rear and no means 
of defence, 1 gave orders to my officers and men to 
retire. The great loss of blood occasioned such a 
weakness that I was compelled to lie down. I re- 
quested my officers to leave me, which they obstinate- 
ly refused, but upon being ordered, they obeyed : 
one only remained, [n a short time 1 observed a 
British soldier and had him called, and directed him 
to seek an officer ; in a few minutes an officer came, 
who, on learning who I was, brought Gen. Ross and 
admiral Cockburn to me. These officers behaved to 
me with the most marked attention, respect and po- 
liteness ; had a surgeon brought, and my wound dres- 
sed immediately. Altera few minutes conversation, 
the general informed (after paying me a handsome 
compliment) that I was paroled, and at liberty to 
proceed to Washington or Bladensburg, offering me 
every assistance in his power, giving orders for a lit- 
ter to be brought, in which I was carried to Bladens- 
burg. 

My wound is deep, but I flatter myself not dange- 
rous ; the ball is not yet extracted. 

"JOSHUA BARNEY. 

Com. Macdonovyh to the Secretary of the JSavy. 
U. S ship Saratoga, oil Plattsburg, Sept. 11, 1814. 
SIR — The Almighty has been pleased to grant 
us a signal victory on Lake Champlam, in the cap- 
ture of one frigate, one brig, and two sloops of war 
of the enemy. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

T. MACUONOUGH 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 315 

Com. Macdoiwugh to the Secretary of the Navy. 
U. S. ship Saratoga, at anchor oil| 
Plattsburg, Sept. 1% 1814. > 
SIR— By lieutenant commandant Cassin 1 have 
the honor to convey to you the flags of his Britannic* 
Maiestv's late squadron, captured on the llth insr. 
by the United States' squadron under WJWM^ 
} T. MACDONOUOH. 

Com. Macdonouyh to the Secretary of the Navy. 
V. S. ship Saratoga, Plattsburg bay, ) 
September 13, 1814. j 

SIR— I have the honor to give you the particulars 
of the action which took place on the 11th inst. on 

this Lake. , ., 

At 8 A M. the look-out boat announced the ap- 
proach of the enemy. At 9, he anchored in aline 
ahead, at about three hundred yards distance from 
my line ; his ship opposed to the Saratoga, his brig 
to the Eagle, Ins gallies, thirteen in number, to the 
schooner, sloop, and a division of our gallies ; one 
of his sloops assisting their ship and brig, the other 
assisting their gallies. Our remaining gallies with 
the Saratoga and Eagle. . 

In this situation the whole force on both sides be- 
came engaged, the Saratoga suffering much from the 
heavy fire of the Contiance. I could perceive at the 
same time, however, that our fire was very destruc- 
tive to her. The T.conderoga gallantly sustained her 
full share of the action. At half past 10 o ciock the 
Eao-le, not being abie to bring her guns to bear, cut 
her^cable and anchored in a more eligible position, 
between my ship and the Ticonderoga, where she 
verv much annoyed the enemy. Our guns on the 
starboard side being nearly all dismounted, or not 
manageable, a stern anchor was let go, the bowei 
cabie cut, and the ship winded with afresh broadsKle 
on the enemy's ship, which soon after surrendered. 
Our broadside was then sprung to bear on the brig, 
which surrendered in about 15 minutes after. 



316 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

The sloop that was opposed to the Eagle, had 
struck some time before and drifted down the line; 
the sloop which was with their gallies having struck 
also. Three of their gallies are said to be sunk, the 
others pulled off. Our gallies were about obeying 
with alacrity the signal to follow them, when ail the 
vessels were reported to me to be in a sinking state : 
it then became necessary to annul the signal to the 
gallies, and order their men to the pumps. 

I could only look at the enemy's gallies going off 
in a shattered condition, for there was not a mast 
in either squadron that could stand to make sail on. 

The Saratoga had fifty-five round shot in her hull ; 
the Confiance one hundred and five. The enemy's 
shot passed principally just over our heads, as ihere 
were not 20 whole hammocks in the nettings at the 
close of the action, which lasted without intermis- 
sion two hours and twenty minutes. 

The Saratoga was twice set on fire with hotshot 
from the enemy's ship. I have the honor to be, &c. 

T. MACDONOUGH. 

P. S. — Accompanying this is a list of killed and 
wounded, a list of prisoners — and a precise state- 
ment of both forces engaged, 

AMERICAN FORCE AND LOSS. 



Ships. guns. 


men. 


killed. 


wounded. 


Saratoga, 26 


210 


28 


29 


Eagle, 20 


120 


13 


20 


Ticonderoga, 17 


no 


6 


6 


Preble, 7 


30 


2 




10 Gun Boats, 16 


350 


3 

52 


3 


86 


820 


58 


BRITISH 


FORCE 


AND LOSS 




Ships. guns. 


men. 


killed. 


wounded. 


Confiance, 39 


300 


50 


60 


Linnet, 16 


120 


20 


30 


Growler, 11 


40 


6 


10 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 317 

Eagle, 11 40 8 10 

13 Gun Boats, 18 550 



95 1050 84 HO 

Several of the gun boats struck j but the sinking 
state ot the large vessels required the assistance of 
the men m our gatlies, which enabled them to escape 
excepting three, which sunk with all on board, which 
makes their loss J 74 killed, 110 wounded, and 416 
prisoners. 

Note.— The following valuable property was taken 
on board the fleet, to wit :— J 1,800 lbs, oj powder ex- 
clusive of fixed ammunition— 85,000 lbs. of cannon 
ball— 6000 muskets— 600 suits of sailors' clothing, 
and all the winter clothing of the whole of their land 
army. 

Burning of Petipauye.— -Between 10 and 11 o'clock, 
P. M. ot April 7th, 1814, six Bntish boats were dis- 
covered coming into Connecticut river ; by 12 a 
large force of the enemy had taken possession of 'an 
old tort at Saybrook Point, where finding nothing, 
the tort having been decayed for several years, re- 
entered their boats, and proceeded for Petipau<r e 
Poh.t, about 6 miles higher up the river, where thev 
arrived about 4 o'clock. The vessels in harbor beino- 
oti fire, first gave notice that the enemy was near. 
1 nere was not time after the aiarm, to get the wo- 
men and children off from the Point, before the ene- 
my had landed, and began burning the vessels on the 
stocks; they immediately commenced searching the 
houses and stores, for arms and ammun.t.on, taking 
all they could find, and destroying furniture to a con- 
siderable amount ; liquors of all kinds, when found, 
after sat.sfymg themselves, were destroyed by staving 
the casks. 1 here was no opposition to their plunder, 
although they remained on shore till 10 o'clock, when 
they called in their men, and proceeded down the 
river about a mile, with a brig, a schooner, and 2 



318 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

sloops, where they anchored and lay till dark, when 
they set tire to their prizes, and proceeded down to 
their vessels. 

Attack on Stonington. — The British fleet off New- 
London having- been reinforced on the 9th August, 
1814, a part of it, to wit, one 74, two frigates, a sloop 
of war, and a brig 1 , appeared off Stonington, when 
Sir Thomas Hardy sent a flag on .shore for the in- 
formation of the women and children, that if the town 
was not surrendered in one hour, the whole should be 
laid in ashes. The inhabitants informed Sir Thomas, 
that Stonington was not Petipauge, and prepared'their 
cannon, 2 long 18's, and one (5 pounder, for defend- 
ing themselves. The attack began at 9, at night, and 
continued till 1 in the morning, with round shot, 
bombs, and rockets. The militia, 30 in number, re- 
turned the tire with great vigor and effect. The at- 
tack was renewed next morning, and as warmly re- 
sented — their brig, which lay nearest shore, was al- 
most cut to pieces, and one barge, full of men, was 
sunk, when the enemy withdrew. Our loss was 4 
wounded, 2 houses fired, and 2 horses killed. On 
the 11th they again attacked the place, before which 
the humane Sir Thomas sent in another demand for 
its surrender, accompanied with a threat, that if it 
was not complied with, he would lay the whole town 
in ashes, or sacrifice his whole force, consisting of 13 
ships of war. Our little band of Heroes paid little 
attention to his threat, but went steadily to work at 
their cannon, arid mauled the enemy so, that he was 
obliged to abandon the expedition. 

Gen. Gains to the Secretary of War. 

Fort Erie, Aug. 23, 1814. 
[Fa'tract.] — Sift — I have the honor to communi- 
cate the particulars of the battle fought at this place, 
on the 15th inst. I have heretofore omitted stating to 
vou, that during the 13th and 14th, the enemy had 
kept up a brisk cannonade upon this fort, which was 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 319 

briskly returned from our batteries, without any con- 
siderable loss on our part. At £>, A. M. of the 10th, 
one of their shells lodged in a small magazine, in 
Fort Erie, which was fortunately almost empty. It 
blew up with an explosion more awful in its appear- 
ance, than injurious in its effects, as it did not disable 
a man, or derange a gun. It occasioned but a mo- 
mentary cessation of the thunders ot the artillery on 
both sides ; it was followed by a loud and joyous 
shout by the British army, which was immediately 
returned on our part, and Capt. Williams, amidst the 
smoke of the explosion, renewed the contest, by an 
animated roar of his heavy cannon. 

The night was dark and rainy, but the faithful cen- 
tinel slept not. At half past 2 o'clock, the right col- 
umn of the enemy approached, and though enveloped 
in darkness,* black as his designs and principles, 
was distinctly heard on our left, and promptly mark- 
ed by our musquetry and cannon. Being mounted at 
the moment, I repaired to the point of attack, where 
the sheet of tire enabled me to see the enemy's column, 
about 1500 men, approaching on that point ; his ad- 
vance was not checked until it had approached within 
ten feet of our infantry. A line of loose brush rep- 
resenting an abettis only intervened; a column of the 
enemy attempted to pass round the abettis through the 
water, where it was nearly breast deep. At this mo- 
ment the enemy were repulsed, but instantly renewed 
the charge, and were again repulsed. My attention 
was now called to the right, where our batteries and 
lines were lighted by a most brilliant tire of cannon 
and musquetry ; it announced the approach of the 
centre and left columns of the enemy, under Cols. 
Drummond and Scott; they were soon repulsed. 
That of the centre, led by Col. Drummond was not 
long kept in check ; it approached at once every as- 
sailable point of the fort, and with scaling ladders, 

* I, with several of my officers, several times, heard order? sriv 
en, ' to give the damned Yankee rusatfs no quart'"- ' 



320 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

ascended the parapet, but was repulsed with dreadful 
carnage. The assault was twice repeated, and as 
often checked ; but the enemy having moved round 
the ditch, covered with darkness, and the heavy cloud 
of smoke winch rolled from our cannon and mus- 
quetry, repeated the charge, and re-ascended the lad- 
ders, when their pikes, bayonets, and spears, fell upon 
our gallant artillerists. Our bastion was lost ; Lieut. 
M'Uonough, being severely wounded, demanded 
quarter, — it was refused by Col. Drummond. M'Do- 
tfough then seized a handspike, and nobly defended 
himself until he was shot down with a pistol by the 
monster who had refused him quarter, who often re- 
iterated the order — (jive the damned Yankee rascals no 
quarter. This hardened murderer soon met Instate ; 
he was shot through the breast while repeating the 
Oi der to g ve no quarter. 

The battle now raged with increased fury on the 
right, but on the left the enemy was repulsed and put 
to flight. Thence and from the centre I ordered rein- 
forcements. They were promptly sent by Brig. Gen. 
Ripley and Brig. Gen. Porter. Cant. Fanning, of 
the corps of artillery, kept up a spirited and destruc- 
tive tire with his held pieces on the enemy attempting 
to approach the fort. Major Hmdman's gallant ef- 
forts, aided by Maj. Trimble, having failed to drive 
the enemy from the bastion with the remaining artil- 
lerists and m.antry in the fort, Capt. Birdsall of the 
4th rifle reg.tnent, with a detachment of riflemen, 
g.iilantly rushed in through the gateway to their as- 
sistance, and with some infantry charged the enemy ; 
but was repulsed, and the captain severely wounded. 
A detachment from the 11th, li)th, and 22d, infantry, 
under Capt. Foster of the 11th, were introduced over 
the interior bastion, for the purpose of charging the 
enemy. Major Hall, Assist. In. Gen. very hand- 
somely tendered his services to lead the charge. Tin 
charge was gallantly made by Capt. Foster and Maj. 
Hall, but owing to the narrowness of the passage up 
to the bastion admitting only 2 or 8 men abreast, it 



HISTORY OF THE WAR, 321 

failed. It was often repeated, and as often checked. 
Tiie enemy's force in the bastion was, however, much 
cut to pieces and diminished bv our artillery a; id 
small arms. At this moment ever) operation was 
arrested by the explosion of some cartridges deposit- 
ed in the end of Ihe slone budding adjoining the con- 
tested bastion. The explosion was tremendous — it 
was decisive: the bastion was restored. At this mo- 
ment Capt. Biddle was ordered to cause a held piece 
to be posted so as to enfi.ade the exterior plain and 
salient glacis. CaptrFaunmg's battery likewise play- 
ed upon them at this time with great effect. The 
enemy were in a few moments entirely defeated, ta- 
ken, or put to flight. I have the honor, >*c. 

E. P. GAINS, 

AMERICAN LOSS. 

Killed, 17— Wounded, 5(5— Missing, 11— total, 84. 

BRITISH LOSS. 

K.lled, 422— Wounded, 354— Prisoners, 186—962. 

Gen. Smith to the Secretary of War. 

Baltimore, September 19, 1815. 
[Extract.] SIR — I have the honor of stating that the 
enemy lauded between 7 and 8000 men on the 12th 
inst. at North Point, 14 miles distant from this city. 
Anticipating this debarkation, Gen. Striker had been 
detached on Sunday evening with a portion of his 
brigade, to check any attempt the enemy might make 
in that quarter to land ; the General took a pos.tion 
on Monday, at the junction of tiie two roads leadhig 
from this place to the Point, having his right flanked 
on Bear Creek, and his left by a marsh. Here he 
waited the approach of the enemy, after having sent 
on an advance corps. Between two and three 
o'clock the enemy's whole force came up, and com- 
menced the batiieby some discharges of rockets, 
which were succeeded by the cannon from both Sides, 
when the action became general. Ge... Strieker gal- 
lantly maintained his ground against this great supe- 
riority ot numbers, one hour and 20 minutes, when 
41 



322 HISTORY OF THE WAR-. 

his left gave way and he was obliged to retire to the 
ground in his rear. He here formed his brigade, 
but the enemy not thinking it adviseable to pursue, he 
fallback, according to previous arrangements, and 
formed on the left of my entrenchments. I feel a 
pride in the belief, that the stand made on Monday, 
in no small degree, tended to check the temerity of 
a foe, daring to invade a country like ours. Major 
General Ross the commander in chief of the British 
forces, was killed in this action. About the time 
Gen. Strieker joined my left, he was joined by Gen. 
Winder* (who had been stationed on the west side of 
the city,) with gen. Douglass' brigade of Virginia 
militia, and the U. S. Dragoons, who took post on 
the left of gen. Strieker. Meanwhile, gens. Stans- 
bury and Forman, the seamen and marines under 
com. Rodgers, the Pennsylvania volunteers under 
cols. Cobean and Findley, the Baltimore artillery 
under col. Harris, and the marine artillery under 
capt. Stiles, manned the trenches and batteries — all 
prepared to meet the enemy. 

On Tuesday the enemy appeared in front of my 
entrenchments, at the distance of two miles, on the 
Philadelphia road, and attempted by a circuitous 
route, to march against our left, and enter the city ; 
gens. Winder and Strieker were ordered to adapt 
their movements so as to defeat their intentions, which 
-completely succeeded. This movement induced the 
enemy to concentrate his forces by one or two o'clock, 
in my front, pushing his advance to within a mile of 
our videttes, and shewing an intention of attacking 
us that evening. I drew gens. Winder and Strieker 
nearer to the left of my entrenchments, and to the 
right of the enemy, with the intention of falling on 
his rear, should he attack me ; or, if he declined it, 
of attacking him in the morning. To this movement, 
and my defences, which the enemy had the fairest 
opportunity of observing, I attribute his retreat, 
w Inch was commenced at one o'clock, the next morn- 
ing, in which he was so favored, by the extreme 
darkness, and continued rain, that we did not discov- 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 323 

erit until day light. A considerable detachment was 
sent in pursuit, but the troops being so worn down by 
fatigue, that they could do nothing more than pick 
up a few straglers ; they completed their embarka- 
tion the next day at 1 o'clock. 

I have now the pleasure of calling your attention to 
the brave commander of fort Mc Henry, Maj. Ar- 
mistead, and to the operations in that quarter. 

Maj. Armstead had under his command one com- 
pany of U. S. artillery, two do. sea fei.eibles; three 
do. of Baltimore artillery, a detachment from Com. 
Barney's flotilla, and about 000 militia, in all about 
1000 men. 

On the I2tb, 10 ships, including 5 bomb ships, 
anchored about two miles from the fort. The next 
morning, at sunrise, the enemy commenced the at- 
tack from his bomb vessels, at the distance of two 
miles, which was out of our reach. At 2 o'clock 
one of our guns was dismounted which occasioned 
considerable bustle in the fort, killing one and wound- 
ing several, which induced the enemy to draw his 
ships within a good striking distance, when the Maj. 
opened a well directed fire upon them for half an 
hour, which caused them to haul offto their old posi- 
tion, when our brave little band gave three cheers, 
and again ceased firing. Availing- themselves of the 
darkness of the night, they had pushed a considerable 
force above the fort, and formed in a half circle, 
when they commenced firing again which was return- 
ed with spirit, for more than two hours, when the 
enemy were again obliged to haul off. 

During the bombardment, which lasted 25 hours, 
on the part of the enemy, from 15 to 1800 shells were 
thrown by the enemy ; 400 of which fell in the fort, 
threatening destruction to all within, but wonderful 
as it may appear only 4 of our men were killed, and 
24 wounded. I have the honor &c. S. SMITH. 
American Loss. 
Killed, 24— Wounded. 90— Missing, 47. 

British Loss. 
Killed, 97 Wounded, 105 Prisoners, 136. 



:321 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

Gen. Jachson to the Secretary of War. 

Mobile, Septeml er 17, 1814. 

(Extract.'] SIR — With lively emotions of satis- 
faction, I communicate that success has crowned the 
gallant eiforts of our brave soldiers, in resisting and 
repulsing 1 a combined British 'naval and land force> 
which on the lath inst. attacked Fort Bowser, on the 
point of Mobile 

The ship which was destroyed, was the Hermes, 
of trom 24 to 28 gin s, Captain the 1 on. W n>. H. 
Percy, senior officer in the Gulf of Mexico ; and the 
brig so considerably damaged is the So hie, 18 guns. 
The other ship was the Carron, of from 24 to 28 
guns ; the other brig's name unknown. 

On board the C.irron, v 85 men were killed and 
wounded ; among whom was Col. Nicoll, of the 
Royal Marines, who lost an eye by a splinter. The 
land force consisted of 110 marines, and 200 C eek 
Indians, unuer the command oi Ca>;t. Woodbine, of 
the marines, and about 20 artillerists, with one four 
and an half inch howitzer, from which they discharg- 
ed shells and nine pound shot. They re-embarked 
the piece, and retreated by land towards Pensacola, 
whence they came. 

By the morning report of the 16th, there were 
present in the fort, fit for duty, officers and men, 158. 
I have the honor to be, &.c. 

AND KEW JACKSON. 

Gen. Brown to the Secretary of U ar. 

Fort Erie, Sept. 29th, 1814. 
[Extract.] SIR— In my letter ol the 18,h inst. I 
briefly informed you of the fortunate issue ot the sor- 
tie which took place the day preceding. 
» The enemy's camp 1 had ascertained to be situated 
in a field surrounded by woods nearly two miles dis- 
tant from their batteries and entrenchments, the ob- 
ject of which was to keep the parts of the force which 
was not upon duty, out of the range of our tire from 
Fort Erie and Biack-Rock. Tneir infantry was 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 325 

formed into three brigades, estimated at 12 or 15 hun- 
dred men each. One of these brigades, with a de- 
tail from their artillery, was stationed at their works, 
(these being 1 about 500 yards distant from old Fort 
Erie, and the right of our line.) We had already 
suffered much from the fire of two of their batteries, 
and were aware that a third was about to open upon 
us. Under these circumstances, I resolved to storm 
the batteries, destroy the cannon, and roughly handle 
the brigade upon duty, before those in reserve could 
be brought into action. 

On the morning of the 17th, the infantry and rifle- 
men, regulars and militia, were ordered to be para- 
ded and put in readiness to march precisely at 12 
o'clock. Gen. Porter with the volunteers, Col. Gib- 
son with the riflemen, and Major Brooks with the 
23d and 1st infantry, and a few dragoons acting as 
infantry, were ordered to move from the extreme left 
of our position upon the enemy's right, by a passage 
opened through the woods for the occasion. Gen. 
Miller was directed to station his command in the ra- 
vine which lies between Fort Erie and the enemy's 
batteries, by passing them by detachments through the 
skirts of the wood — and the 21st infantry under Gen. 
Ripley was posted as a corps of reserve between the 
new bastions of Fort Erie ; all under cover, and out 
of the view of the enemy. 

About 20 minutes before 3, P. M. I found the left 
columns, under the command of Gen. Porter, which 
were destined to turn the enemy's right, within a few 
rods of the British entrenchments. They were or- 
dered to advance and commence the action. Passing 
down the ravine, I judged from the report of mus- 
quetry that the action had commenced on our left ; I 
now hastened to Gen. Miller, and directed him to 
seize the moment and pierce the enemy's entrench- 
ment between batteries No. 2 and 3. My orders were 
promptly and ably executed. Within 30 minutes af- 
ter the first gun was tired, batteries No. 2 and 3, the 
enemy's line of entrenchments, and his two block 



326 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

bouses, were in our possession. Soon after battery 
PUo. 1 was abandoned by the British. The guns in 
each were spiked by us, or otherwise destroyed, and 
the magazine of No 3 was blown up. 

A few minutes before the explosion, I had ordered 
lip the reserve under Gen. Ripley. As he passed 
jne at the head of his column, I desired him as he 
would be the senior in advance, to ascertain as near 
as possible, the situation of ihe troops in general, and 
to have a care that not more was hazarded than the 
occasion required : that the object of the sortie ef- 
fected, the troops would retire in good order, &c. 
Gen. Ripley passed rapidly on — soon after, 1 became 
alarmed for Gen. Miller, and sent an order for the 
21st to hasten to his support towards battery No. 1. 
Col. Upham received the order, and advanced to the 
aid of Gen. Miller. Gen. Ripley had inclined to the 
left, where Major Brooks' command was engaged, 
with a view of making some necessary enquiries of 
that officer, and in the act of doing so was unfortu- 
nately wounded. By this time the object of the sor- 
tie was accomplished beyond my most sanguine ex- 
pectations. Gen. Miller had consequently ordered 
the troops on the right to fall back — observing this 
movement, I sent my staff along the line to call in the 
other corps. Within a few minutes they retired from 
the ravine, and from thence to cam)). 

Thus 1000 regulars and an equal portion of mili- 
tia, in one hour of close action, blasted the hopes of 
the enemy, destroyed the fruits of 50 d.tys labor, and 
diminished his effective force 1000 men at least. 

Lieut. Gen. Drummond broke up his camp during 
the night of the 21st, and retired to his entrenchments 
behind the Chippewa. A party of our men came 
up with the rear of his army at Frenchman's creek; 
the enemy destroyed part of their stores by setting- 
fire to the buildings from which they were employed 
in conveying them. We found in and about their 
camp a considerable quantity of cannon ball, and up- 
wards of 100 stand of arms. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 327 

I send you enclosed herein a return of our loss. 
The return of prisoners enclosed does not include the 
stragglers that came in after the action. 
I have the honor to be, &c. 

JACOB BROWN. 

AMERICAN LOSS. 

Killed 79 — wounded 214 — missing 218. 

BRITISH LOSS. 

Killed 271— wounded 3 1 1— Prisoners 385. 

Gen. Macomb to the Secretary of War. 

Pittsburgh, Sept. 12, 1814. 

[Extract.] SIR — 1 have the honor to inform you 
that the British army commanded by Sir George 
Prevost, consisting of four brigades, a corps of artil- 
lery; a squadron of horse, and a strong light corps, 
amounting in all to 14,000 men, after investing this 
place on the north of the Saranac river since the 5th 
inst. broke up their camp and raised the siege this 
morning at 2 o'clock, retreating precipitately, and 
leaving their sick and wounded behind. The strength 
of this garrison is only 1500 men fit for duty. 

The light troops and militia are in full pursuit of 
the enemy, making prisoners in all directions. Up- 
wards of 300 deserters have already come in, and 
many arrive hourly. Our loss in the fort is trifling 
indeed, having only one officer and 15 men killed, 
and one officer and 30 men wounded. 

Vast quantities of provision were left behind and 
destroyed, also an immense quantity of bomb shells, 
cannon ball, grape shot, ammunition, flints, &cc. &c. 
intrenching tools of all sorts, also tents and marquees. 
A great deal has been found concealed in the ponds 
and creeks, and buried in the ground, and a vast 
quantity carried oft' by the inhabitants. Such was 
the precipitance of his retreat, that he arrived at Cha- 
zy, a distance of eight miles before we discovered 
that he had gone. 

We have buried the British officers of the army 
and navv, With the honors of war, and shewn everv 



328 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

attention and kindness to those who have fallen into 
our hands. The conduct of the officers, non-com- 
missioned officers and soldiers of my command, dur- 
ing- this trying occasion cannot be represented in too 
high terms. 1 have the honor to be, Sec. 

ALEXANDER MACOMB. 

AMERICAN LOSS. 

Killed 37 — wounded 62 — missing 20. 

BRITISH LOSS. 

Killed 368-wounded 494~prisoners 252-deserted786 

Capt. Blalicley to the Secretary of the Navy. 

U S. S. Wasp, L'Onent, July 8, 1814. 

SIR - On Tuesday the 28th ult. being then in lat- 
itude 48, 36 N. and long. 11, 15 W. we fell in with, 
engaged, and after an action of 19 minutes, captured 
his Britannic Majesty's sloop of war Reindeer, Wil- 
liam Manners, Esq. commander. 

At half past 12, P. M. the enemy shewed a blue 
and white flag diagonally at the fore, and fired a gun. 
At 1, 15, called all hands to quarters and prepared 
for action ; 1, 22, believing we could weather the en- 
emy, tacked ship and stood for him ; 1, 50 the ene- 
my tacked ship and stood from us; 1, 56, hoisted our 
colors and fired a gun to windward ; at 2, 20, the en- 
emy still standing from us, set the royals; at 2, 25, 
set the flying gib ; at 2, 29, set the upper staysails; 
at 2, 32, the enemy having tacked for us took in the 
staysails ; at 2, 47, furled the royals ; at 2, 51, seeing 
that the enemy would be able to weather us, tacked 
ship ; at 3, 3, the enemy hoisted his flying g.b — brail* 
ed up our mizen ; at 3, 15, the enemy on our weather 
quarter, distant about 60 yards, fired his shitting gun, 
a 12 pound carronade at us, loaded with round and 
grape shot from his top-gallant forecastle; at 3,17, 
tired the same gun a second time; at 3, 19, fired it a 
third time ; at 3, 21, fired it a fourth time ; at 3, 21, 
a fifth shot, all from the same gun. Finding the en- 
emy did not get sufficiently on the beam to enable us 
to bring our guns to bear, put the helm a-lee, and at 
26 minutes after 3, commenced the action with the af- 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 329 

ter carronade on the starboard side, and fired in suc- 
cession ; at 3, 84, hauled up the mainsail; at 3, 40, 
the enemy having* his larboard bow in qpi.tact with 
our larboard quarter endeavored to board us, but was 
repulsed in every attempt ; at 3, 4 4, orders were giv- 
en to board in turn, which were promptly executed, 
when all resistance immediately ceased, and at 3, 4o, 
the enemy hauled down his flag. 

The Reindeer mounted sixteen 24 11). carronades, 
two long- 6 or 9 pounders, and a shifting 12 lb. car- 
roiade, with a complement on board of 118 men. 
Her crew was said to be the pride of Plymouth. 
>. The Reindeer was literally cut to pieces in a line 
with her ports ; her upperworks, boats and spare 
spars were one complete wreck. — A breeze springing 
up the next afternoon her foremast went by the board. 

Having received all the prisoners on board, which 
from the number of wounded occupied much time, 
together with their baggage, the Reindeer was on the 
evening of the 29th set on tire, and in a few hours 
biew up. I have the honor to be, Sec. 

J. BLAKELEY. 
American Loss. — Killed 5 — wounded 21. 
British Loss. — Killed 23 — wounded 42. 

Capt. Blake let/ to the Secretary of the Navy. 
U. S. 8. Wasp, at sea, Sept. 11,1814. 
[Extract.] SIR — I have the honor of informing 
you of the destruction of H. B. M. brig Avon,of 18 guns 
by this ship on the 1st inst. At 6, 30 minutes P. JVf. 
discovered 4 sail ; 2 on our starboard, and 2 on our 
larboard bow ; hauled up for one on our starboard 
bow, being farthest to windward. At 7, the brig- 
made signals, with flags, lanterns, rockets, and guns. 
At 9, 29, the chase being under our lee bow, com- 
menced the action by firing a 12 lb. carronade at 
him, which he returned, when we run under bis lee, 
bow to prevent bis escaping. At 10, believing the 
enemy to be silenced, ceased firing, and hailed and 
asked if he had surrendered. No answer being giv- 
42 



33U HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

en, and lie having recommenced firing, it was return- 
ed. x\t 10, 12, the enemy having suffered greatly, 
and having made no return to our two last broadsides, 
I hailed the second time, when he answered in the 
affirmative. The guns were then ordered to be se- 
cured, and the boat lowered to take possession. In 
the act of lowering the boat, a second brig was dis- 
covered close under our stern, and standing for us. 
Sent the crew to quarters, and prepared for another 
action, and waited his coming up. At 10, 36, dis- 
covered two more sails astern, standing for us. Our 
braces having been cut away, we kept off the wind, 
until others could be rove, with the expectation of 
drawing the second brig from his companions, but was 
disappointed ; having continued approaching us until 
within gun shot she suddenly hauled by the wind, fir- 
ed a broadside, which done considerable damage, 
and soon retraced her steps to join her consorts. Our 
prize, when we abandoned her, was firing guns of 
distress j the two last sails came to her assistance, in 
time to save her crew from sinking- with the vessel, 
w Inch went down soon afterwards. I have the hon- 
or to be, &c. J. BL AKELE Y. 

American Loss. — Killed, 2 — wounded, 1. 

• British Loss. — Killed, 12 — wounded 33. 

Gen. M Arthur to the Secretary of War. 
Head-Quarters, Detroit, Nov. 18, 1814. 

[Extract.] SIR -I have the honor of reporting to 
you the safe return of the mounted troops to this place. 

It was deemed expedient, from the arder of the 
Kentucky and Ohio volunteers and militia, that they 
should be actively employed in the enemy's terirtory, 
with a view to destroy their resources, and paralize 
any attempt they might make on this post during 
the winter. Accordingly (J30 troops, and 70 Indians, 
were put in motion to destroy the valuable mills at 
the head of Lake Ontario, and Grand River. We 
proceeded over the river St. Clair, down to the Scotch 
■ *ctt!ement, up Bear Creek, about -.10 miles, and a 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 331 

cross to Ihe Moravian towns, where we arrived the 
oOth ult. 

We were fortunate at this place in taking* a Bri- 
tish officer who was proceeding" to Burlington with 
the information of our approach, which enabled 
us to reach Delaware town undiscovered. The ran- 
gers were detached across the Thames, to pass in 
rear of the town, to guard the different roads, whilst 
the troops were swimming' their horses across. We 
were thus enabled to reach Oxford, 150 miles from 
Detroit, before they heard of our approach. A few 
hours before our arrival at Buford, the enemy retreat- 
ed to MalconVs mills, on the road to Burlington 
where they were reinforced, to the number of 500 
militia, and about 100 Indians. A deep creek of 
difficult passage, except at a bridge immediately in 
front of their works, which had been partly destroyed, 
lay between us. Arrangements were made for a joint 
attack on their front and rear. The Ohio troops were 
thrown across, under cover of a thick wood, and the 
Kentucky troops were ordered to attack in front. 
The enemy were entirely defeated and dispersed, with 
the loss of 1 Capt. and 17 privates killed, and 3 Capts. 
5 subalterns, and 103 privates, taken prisoners. Our 
loss was only one killed, and six wounded. The 
next day we proceeded on and took several prisoners, 
200 stand of arms, and destroyed five valuable mills, 
when we commenced our return much for this place, 
which we reached yesterday. 

I have the honor to be, &c. D. M' ARTHUR. 



CHAPTER XII L 

Gen. Jackson to Gov. Early. 

Head-Q,uarters, Tensaw, Nov. 11th, 1814. 

[Extract.] SIR — On last evening I returned from 

Pensacola to this place — I reached that post on the 

evening of the 6th. On my approach, I sent Maj. 

Pierre with a flag to commuuicate the object of my 



&I2 HISTOllV OF THE WAR. 

visit to the Gov. of Pensacola. He approached foil 
St. George, with his flag displayed, and was fired on 
by the cannon from the fori — ie returned and made 
report thereof to me. I immediately w< nt with the 
Adj. Gen. and the Maj. with a small escort, and 
viewed the fort and found it defended by British and 
Spanish troops. I immediately determined to storm 
the town. 

On the morning- of the 7th I marched with the 
effective regulars of the 3d, 39th, and 44th infantry, 
part of Gen. Coff< e"s hngade, the Mississippi dra- 
goons, and part of the West Tenessee regiment, and 
partoftheChoctaws led by Maj. Blue, of the 39lh 
and Maj. Kennedy of Mississippi territory. Being 
encamped on the west of the town 1 calculated they 
would expect the assault from that quarter, and be 
prepared to rake me from the fort, and the British 
armed vessels, seven in number, that lay in the bay. 
To cherish this idea 1 sent out part o; the mounted 
men to show themselves on the west, whilst I passed in 
rear of the fort undiscovered to the east of the town. 
When 1 appeared within a mile, I was in full view. 
My pride was never more heightened than viewing 1 
the uniform firmness of my troops, and with what un- 
daunted courage they advanced, with a strong fort 
ready to assail them on the right, 7 British armed ves- 
sels on the left, and strong blockhouses and batteries of 
cannon in their front, but they still advanced with 
unshaken firmness, entered the town, when a battery 
of two cannon was opened upon the centre column 
composed of the regulars, w.th ball and grape, and a 
shower of musketry from the houses and gardens. 
The battery was immediately stormed by Capt. Le- 
vall and company, and carried, and the musketry 
was soon silenced by the steady and well directed lire 
of the regulars. 

The Gov. met Cols. Williamson and Smith, who 
led the dismounted volunteers, with a flag, begged 
•for mercy, and surrendered the town and fort uncon- 
ditionally ; mercy wasgranttd and protection given 
to the citizens and their property. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 333 

Oil the morning of the 8lh 1 prepared to march and 
storm the B.iraucas, bulb tore I could move tremend- 
ous explosions lold me that the Barancas, with all its 
appendages, was blown up. I dispatched a detach- 
ment of two hundred men to explore it, who returned 
in the night with the information that it was blown up, 
ail the combustible parti burnt, the cannon spiked 
aid dismounted except two : this being the case, I 
determined to withdraw my troops, but before I did I 
hat I the pleasure to .see the British depart. 

The sieady firmness of my troops has drawn a just 
res >ect from our enemies — It has convinced the Red 
Slicks that they have no strong feold or protection, 
only m the friendship of the U. S. The good order 
and conduct of my troops whilst in Pensacola, has con- 
vinced the Spaniards of our friendship, and prowess, 
and has drawn from the citizens an expression 
that our Choctaws are more civilized than the British. 

I have the honor to be, c. 

ANDREW JACKSON. 

Gen. Jachson to the Secretary of War. 
Head-Quarters, New-Orleans, I)ec. 27, 1814. 
[Extract. \ SIR — I have the honor to inform you 
of the result of the action on the 23d. The loss of 
our gun boats near the pass of the Rigoiets, having 
given the enemy command of lake Borgne, he was 
enabled to choose his point of attack. It became 
therefore an object of importance to obstruct the nu- 
merous bayous and canals leading from that lake, 
to the highlands on the Mississippi. This important 
service was committed to Major Gen. Villere com- 
manding the district between the river and the lakes, 
and who, being a native of the country, was presum- 
ed to be best acquainted wilh all those passes. Un- 
fortunately, however, a picquet which the Gen. had 
established at the mouth of the bayou Bienveuu, and 
which notwithstanding my orders had been left un- 
obstructed, was completely surprised, and the enemy 
penetrated through a canal leading to his farm, about 
ivyo leagues below the city, and succeeded in cutting 



334 HISTORY OP THE WAR. 

off a company of militia stationed there. — This intel- 
ligence was communicated tome about 12 o'clock on 
the 22d. My force at this time did not exceed in all 
1500. I arrived near the enemy's encampment about 
seven, and immediately made my dispositions for the 
attack. His forces amounting- at that time on land to 
about 3000, extended half a mile on the river, and in 
the rear nearly to the wood. Gen. Coffee was ordered 
to turn their right, while with the residue of the force 
I attacked his strongest position on the left near the 
river. 

Com. Patterson having dropped down the river in 
the schooner Caroline, was directed to open a fire up- 
on their camp, which he executed at about half after 
seven. This being the signal of attack, Gen. Coffee's 
men with their usual impetuosity, rushed on the en- 
emy's right and entered their camp, while our right 
advanced with equal order. A thick fog arose about 
8 o'clock occasioning some confusion among the dif- 
ferent corps. Fearing the consequences, under this 
circumstance, of the prosecution of a night attack 
with troops then acting together for the first time, I 
eontented myself with lying on the field that night ; 
and at four in the morning assumed a stronger posi- 
tion about two miles nearer the city. 

In this affair the whole corps under my command 
deserve the greatest credit. The best complement 
I can pay to Gen. Coffee and his brigade is to say 
they have behaved as they have always done while 
under my command. The two field pieces were well 
served by the officer commanding them. 

We have made 1 major, 2 subalterns, and sixty- 
three privates prisoners. I have the honor, &c. 

ANDREW JACKSON. 
American Loss. — Killed and wounded 100. 
British Loss. — Killed & wounded 344, prisoners 06. 

Gen. Jackson to the Secretary of War. 
Head-Q,uarters, New-Orleans, Jan. 13, 181o. 
[Extract.] SIR — Atsuch a crisis I conceive it my 
duty to keep you eonstantly advised of my situation. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 33§ 

Early on the morning- of the 8th, the enemy having 
been actively employed the two preceding days in 
making preparations for a storm, advanced in two 
strong columns on my right and left. They were re- 
ceived however, with a firmness which seems, they lit- 
tle expected, and which defeated all their hopes. 
My men undisturbed by their approach, which indeed 
they long anxiously wished for, opened upon them a 
fire so deliberate and certain, as rendered their scal- 
ing ladders and fascines, as well as their more direct 
implements of warfare, perfectly useless. For up- 
wards of an hour it was continued with a briskness of 
which there have been but few instances, perhaps, in 
any country. In justice to the enemy it must be said, 
they withstood it as long as could have been expected 
from the most determined bravery. At length how- 
ever when all prospect of success became hopeless, 
they fled in confusion from the field — leaving it cov- 
ered with their dead and wounded. 

My loss was inconsiderable ; being only *seven 
killed and six wounded. 

Such a disproportion in loss, when we consider the 
number and the kind of troops engaged, must, I 
know, excite astonishment, and may not, every where, 
be fully credited : yet I am perfectly satisfied that the 
account is not exaggerated on the one part, nor un- 
derrated on the other. 

Whether after the severe losses he has sustained, 
he is preparing to return to his shipping, or to make 
still mightier efforts to attain his first object, I do 
not pretend to determine. It becomes me to act as 
though the latter were his intention. One thing, 
however, seems certain, that if he still calculates on 
effecting what he has hitherto been unable to accom- 
plish he must expect considerable reinforcements as 
the force with which he landed, must undoubtedly be 
diminished by at least 3000. Besides the loss which 
he sustained on the night of the m 23d ultimo, which is 
estimated as four hundred, he cannot have suffered 

* This was in the action on (he line — of In wards a skirmishing: 
was Kent, up in which a few ?norr of'our rfi&ri nW lost. 



336 HISTORY OF THE WAR, 

less between that period and the morning' of the 8th 
inst, than 300; having within that time, been repulsed 
in two general attempts to drive us from our position, 
and there having* been continual cannonading* and 
skirmishing, during the whole of it. Yet he is still 
able to show a very formidable force. 

The commanding Gen. Sir Edward Packenham 
was kilted in the action of the 8th, and Maj. Gens. 
Kean and Gihbs were mortally wounded. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

ANDREW JACKSON. 
American Loss — Killed 7 — wounded 6. 

British Loss — Killed 700 — wounded 1400 — pris- 
oners 562. 

Lieut. Shields to Com. Patterson. 
[Extract.] New Orleans, Jan. 25th, IS] 5. 

SIR— T have the honor of reporting the result of 
the expedition ordered by you on the 17ih inst. The 
19th, at night, I left the Pass Cheuf Menteur, having 
made the necessary observations on the enemy before 
dark, with5 boats and your gig, manned with 50 men. 
At 10. P. ill. captured a boat by surprize, manned 
with od men. The number of prisoners exceeding 
my men, 1 thought it most prudent to land them, to 
prevent weakening my force, which was accordingly 
done, and the prisoners were put into the charge of 
the army at the Pass. The 21st, at day light, I again 
fell into the track of the fleet. Finding it impossible 
to make any captures, without being discovered, I 
determined to run down among them, and strike at 
every opportunity — hoisted English colors, and took 
a transport boat with 5 men ; ordered her to follow, 
and stood for a transport Schooner, with 10 mtn 9 
which I boarded with 8 men, and took without op- 
position. From 9, to 12 o'clock, we were in the 
midst of their boats, and succeeded in taking 5 more. 
with about 70men. The enemy's loss on this occa- 
sion w as 140 prisoners, 7 boats and 1 transport Schoon- 
er. 1 have the honor to be, &c 

THO. SHIELDS 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 337 

Sailing-Master Johnson to Com. Patterson. 

New-Orleans, Jan. 7th, 1815. 
[Extract.'] SIR— T have the pleasure of informing 
you of my succeeding in destroying a transport brig 
if) like Borgne, yesterday, at 4. A. M. On the oth 
inst. [ proceeded down to the east mouth of the Pass, 
to ascertain the enemy's position ; finding at anchor 
there one brig, 3 gunboats, 3 Schooners, and several 
barges, the brig lying a mile distant from the others, 
I returned, and determined on making an attempt to 
destroy her. M . crew no v amounted to 38 men ; 
with this force I was confident I should be able to 
destroy her, although I had been previously inform- 
ed she mounted 4 peices of cannon, and equipped ac- 
cordingly. On the 6th at 4, A.. M. we boarded the 
brig, her crew consisting of a Ca.pt. a sailing-master, 
and 8 marines, making no resistance. It being nearly 
daylight, I ordered the prisoners into my boat, and set 
fire to the brig, which proved to be the Cyrus, loaded 
with rum, bread, and soldiers clothing. 
I have the honor to be, &c. 

VVM. JOHNSON. 

ADDRESS, 

Directed by Major General Jackson to be read at the 
head of each of the corps composing the hue below 
.New-Orleans, Jan. 21, 1815. 
Citizens and fellow soldiers! The enemy has re- 
treated, and your general has now leisure to pro- 
claim to the world what he has noticed with admira- 
tion and pride — your undaunted courage, your patri- 
otism, and patience, under hardships and fatigues. — 
Natives of different States, acting together for the first 
time in this camp; differing in habits and in lan- 
guage, instead of viewing in these circumstances the 
germ of distrust and division, you have made them the 
source of an honorable emulation, and from the seeds 
of discord itself have reaped the fruits of an honora- 
ble union. This day completes the fourth week since 
fifteen hundred of you attacked treble your number 
43 



338 HISTORY OF THE \UK. 

of men, who had boasted of their discipline and their 
services under a celebrated leader, in a long' and 
eventful war — attacked them in their camp, the mo- 
ment they had profaned the soil of freedom with their 
hostile tread, and inflicted a blow which was a pre- 
lude to the final result of their attempt to conquer, or 
their poor contrivances to divide us. A few hours 
was sufficient to unite the gallant band, though at the 
moment they received the welcome order to march, 
they were separated many leagues, in different direc- 
tions from the city. The gay rapidity of the march, 
and the cheerful countenances of the officers and men, 
would have induced a belief that some festive enter- 
tainment, not the strife of battle, was the scene to 
which they hastened with so much eagerness and hi- 
larity. In the conflict that ensued, the same spirit 
was supported, and my communication to the executive 
of the U. S. have testified the sense I entertained of 
the merits of the corps and officers that were engag- 
ed. Resting on the field of battle, they retired in 
perfect order on the the next morning to these lines, 
destined to become the scene of future victories, which 
they were to share with the rest of you, my brave 
companions in arms. Scarcely were your lines a 
protection against musket shot, when on the 28th a 
disposition was made to attack them with all the 
pomp and parade of military tactics, as improved by 
those veterans of the Spanish war. 

Their batteries of heavy cannon kept up an inces- 
sant fire ; their rockets illuminated the air ; and under 
their cover two strong columns threatened our flanks. 
The foe insolently thought that this spectacle was too 
imposing to be resisted, and in the intoxication of his 
pride he already saw our lines abandoned without a 
contest— how were those menacing appearances met? 

By shouts of defiance, "by a manly countenance, 
not to be shaken by the roar of his cannon, or by the 
glare of his firework rockets ; by an artillery served 
with superior skill, and with deadly effect. .Never, 
my brave friends, can your Gen. forget the tetimoni- 
als of attachment to our glorious cause of indignant hat- 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 339 

sed to our foe, of effectionate confidence in your chief, 
that resounded from every rank, as lie passed aiong 
your line. This animating- scene damped the cour- 
age of the enemy ; he dropped his scaling ladders 
and fascines, and the threatened attack dwindled in- 
to a demonstration, which served only to shew the 
emptiness of his parade, and to inspire yon with a 
just confidence in yourselves. 

The new year was ushered in with the most tre- 
mendious fire his whole artillery could produce, a 
few hours only, however, were necessary for the brave 
and skilful men who directed our own to dismount 
his cannon, destroy his batteries, and effectually si- 
lence his fire. Hitherto, my brave friends, in the 
contest on our lines, your courage had been passive 
only ; you stood with calmness, a fire that would 
have tried the firmness of a vetran, and you anticipa- 
ted a nearer contest with an eagerness which was soon 
to be gratified. 

On the 8th of Jan. the final effort was made. At 
the dawn of day the batteries opened and the columns 
advanced. Knowing that the volunteers from Ten- 
nessee and the militia from Kentucky were stationed 
on your left, it was there they directed their chief at- 
tack. 

Reasoning always from false principles, they ex- 
pected little opposition from men whose officers even 
were not in uniform, who were ignorant of the rules 
of dress, and who had never been caned into disci- 
pline — fatal mistake ! a fire incessantly kept up, di- 
rected with calmness and with unerring aim, strewed 
the field with the bravest officers and men of the col- 
umn which slowly advanced, according to the most 
approved rules of European tactics, and was cut 
down by the untutored courage of American militia. 
Unb e to sustain this galling and unceasing fire, some 
hundreds nearest the entrenchment called for quarter, 
which was granted — the rest retreating, were rallied 
at some distance, but only to make them a surer mark 
for the grape and cannister shot of our artillery, which, 
without exaggeration, mowed down whole ranks a! 



340 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

every discharge : and at length they precipitately re- 
tired from tie field. 

Our r.glit had only a short contest to sustain with 
a few rash raen who fatally for themselves, forced their 
entrance into the unfinished redoubt on the river. 
They were quickly dispossessed, and this glorious day 
terminated with the loss to the enemy of their com- 
mander in chief and one Maj. Gen. killed, another 
MiiJ. Gen. wounded, the mostex> erieneed and bravest 
of their officers, and more than three thousand men 
killed, wounded and missing, while our ranks, my 
friends, were thinned only by the loss of six of our 
bra\e companions killed and seven disabled by 
wounds-r-wonderful interposition of Heaven ! unex- 
ampled event in the history of war ! 

Let us be grateful to the God of battles who has di- 
rected the arrows of indignation against our invaders 
while he covered with his protecting shield the brave 
defenders of their country. 

After this unsuccessful and disastrous attempt, their 
spirits were broken, their force was destroyed, and 
their whole attention was employed in providing the 
means of escape. This they have effected ; leaving 
their heavy artillery in our power, and many of their 
wounded to our clemency. The consequences of this 
short, but decisive campaign, are incalculably impor- 
tant. The pride of our arrogant enemy humbled, 
his forces broken, his leaders killed, his insolent hopes 
of our disunion frustrated — his expectation of rioting 
in our spoils and wasting our country changed into 
ignominious defeat, shameful flight, and a reluctant 
acknowledgment of the humanity and kindness of 
those whom he had doomed to all the horrors and hu- 
miliation of a conquered state. 

On the other side, unanimity established, disaffec- 
tion crushed, confidence restored, your country saved 
from conquest, your property from pillage, your wives 
and daughters from insult and violation* — the union 
preserved from dismemberment, and perhaps a period 

* Previous fo the attack Gen. Packenham gave out for watch- 
word, ' Beauty and Booty' and promised three days riot and plunder. 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 341 

put by this decisive stroke to a bloody and Savage 
War. These, my brave friends, are the consequences 
of til*' efforts vou have made, and the success with 
winch they have been crowned by Heaven. 

These important results have been effected by the 
united courage and perse\erauce of the armv ; but 
which the different corps as well as the individuals 
that compose it, have vied with each other in their 
exertions to produce. The gratitude, the admi- 
ration of their country, offers a fairer reward than 
that wh.ch any praises of the Ge a. can bestow, and the 
best is that of winch they can never be 1 deprived!, the 
consciousness of having done their duly, and of merit- 
ing the applause they wdl receive. 

Com. Decatur to the Secretary of the Navy. 

H. B. M. Ship Endymion, at sea, Jan. 18, 1815. 

SIR — The painful duty of detailing to you the 
particular causes which preceded and ied to the cap- 
ture of the late U S. frigate President by a squadron 
of his Britannic Majesty's ships* has devolved upon 
me. In my communication of the 14th, I made 
known my intention of proceeding to sea on that eve- 
ning. Owing to some mistake of the pilots, the ship 
in going out grounded on the bar, where she continu- 
ed to strike heavily for an hour and a half; although 
she had broken several of her rudder braces, and had 
received such other material injury as to render her 
return into port desirable, I was unable to do so from 
the strong westerly wind which was then blowing. 
We shaped our course along the shore of Long- Isl- 
and for 50 miles, and then steered S. E. by E. At 
five o'clock, three ships were discovered ahead ; we 
immediately hauled up the Ship and passed two mile* 
to the northward of them. At day light, we discov- 
ered four ships in chase, one on each quarter, and two 
astern, the leading ship of the enemy a razee — she 
commenced a lire upon us but without effect. At 
meridian the wind became light and battling; we 

a Majestic razee, Endymion, Potnone, Tenedos, Dispatch {brig) 



342 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

had increased our distance from the razee, but the 
next ship astern, which was also a large ship, had 
gained and continued to gain upon us considerably ; 
■we immediately occupied all hands to lighten ship. 
At 3, we had the wind quite light ; the enemy who 
had now been joined by a brig, had a strong breeze, 
and were coming up with us rapidly. The Endy- 
mion (mounting 50 guns, 24 pounders on the main 
deck) had now approached us within gun shot, and 
had commenced a fire with her bow guns, which we 
returned from our stern. At 5 o'clock she had ob- 
tained a position on our starboard quarter, within half 
point blank shot, on which neither our stern nor 
quarter guns would bear ; I remained with her in 
this position tor half an hour, m the hope that she 
would close with us on our broadside, in which case 
I had prepared my crew to board, but from his con- 
tinuing to yavv his ship to maintain his position, it be- 
came evident that to close was not his intention. 
Every fire now cut some of our sails or rigging. To 
have continued our course under these circumstances, 
■would have been placing it in his power to cripple us, 
without being subject to injury himself, and to have 
hauled up more to the northward to bring our stern 
guns to bear, would have exposed us to his raking 
fire. 

It was now dusk when I determined to alter my 
course south, for the purpose of bringing the enemy 
abeam, and although their ships astern were drawing 
up fast, I felt satisfied I should be enabled to throw 
him out of the combat before they could come up, and 
was not without hopes, if the night proved dark (of 
which there was every appearance) that I might still 
be enabled to effect my escape. Our opponent kept 
off at the same instant we did, and our fire commenc- 
ed at the same time. We continued engaged, steer- 
ing south with steering sails set two hours and a half, 
when we completely succeeded in dismantling her. 
Previously to her dropping entirely outot the action, 
there were intervals of minutes, when the ships were 
broadside and broadside, and in which she did no! 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 343 

fire a gun. At this period, half past 8 o'clock, al- 
though dark, the other ships of the squadron were 
in sight, and almost within gun shot. We were of 
course compelled to abandon her. In resuming our 
former course for the purpose of avoiding the squad- 
ron, we were compelled to present our stern to our 
antagonist — but such was his state, though we were 
thus exposed and within range of his guns for half an 
hour, that he did not avail himself of this favorable 
opportunity of raking us. We continued this course 
until 11 o'clock, when two fresh ships of the enemy 
(the Pomona and Tenedos) had come up. The Po- 
mona had opened her fire on the larboard bow, with- 
in musket shot ; the other about two cables' length 
astern, taking a raking position on our quarter ; and 
the rest (with the exception of the Endymion) within 
gun shot. Thus situated, with about one fifth of my 
crew killed and wounded, my ship crippled, and a 
more than four-fold force opposed to me, without a 
chance of escape left, I deemed it my duty to sur- 
render. 

It is with emotions of pride [ bear testimony to the 
gallantry and steadiness of every officer and man I 
had the honor to command on this occasion, and I 
feel satisfied that the fact of their having beaten a 
force equal to themselves, in the presence, and almost 
under the guns of so vastly a superior force, when, 
too, it was almost self-evident, that whatever their ex- 
ertions might be, they must ultimately be captured, 
will be taken as evidence of what they would have 
performed, had the force opposed to them been in any 
degree equal. 

For 24 hours after the action it was nearly calm, 
and the squadron were occupied in repairing the 
crippled ships. Such of the crew of the President as 
were not badly wounded, were put on board the dif- 
ferent ships ; myself and a part of my crew were put 
on board this ship. On the 17th we had a gale from 
the eastward, when this ship lost her bowsprit, fore 
and main-masts, and mizen top-mast, all of which 
were badly wounded, and was, in consequence of 



344 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

her disabled condition, obliged to throw overboard 
all her u per deck guns. 
I have the honor to be, %c. 

STEPHEN DECATUR. 
American Loss. — Killed 24 — wounded 55. 
British Loss — Killed 15 — wounded 28. 

Capt. Boyle to 3h\ George P. Stephenson. 

Dated at sea, March 2, 1815. 

[Fxtract^] SIR — 1 have the honor to inform ) on* 
tha on the :26ih of Feb. being- about six leagues to 
windward of Havanna and 2 leagues from the land 
—at 1 1, A. M. discovered a schooner bearing N. E, 
of us, apparently running before the wind ; made 
every possible sail in chase. At half past meridian 
I tired a gun and hoisted the American flag, to as* 
certain, if possible, the nation which she belonged to, 
but she shewed no colors. At 1,P. M. drawing up 
with him very fast, she tired astern chase gun at us, 
and hoisted English colors, shewing at the same time 
only three ports in the side next to us. 

Under the impression that she was a running vessel 
bound to Havanna, weakly armed and manned, I 
tried every effort to close with him as quick as possi- 
ble. Saw very few men on his deck, and hastily 
made small preparation for action, though my officers, 
myself and men did not expect any fighting, of course 
we were not completely prepared for action. At 1, 
20, we were within pistol shot of him when he open- 
ed a tier of ten ports on a side, and gave his broad- 
side I f round, grape and musket balls. I then open- 
ed the Chasseur's fire from the great guns and musk- 
etry, and endeavored to close with hittt for the pur- 
pose of boarding; we having quick way at this tune, 
shot ahead of him under his iee ; he put his helm up 
for the purpose of wearing across our stern and to 
give usa raking tire, which 1 prevented by timely 
taking notice of his intention, and putting our helm 
hard up also, lie shot quick ahead, and I closed 
within ten yards of him ; at this time both fires were 
heavy, severe and destructive. I now found his meu 



HISTORY OP THE WAR. 346 

had been concealed under his bulwark, and that I 
had a heavy enemy to contend with, and at 1, 40, gave 
the order for boarding, which my brave officers and 
men cheerfully obeyed with unexampled quickness, 
instantly put the helm to starboard to lay him on' 
board, and in the act of boarding her, she surrender- 
ed. She proved to be H. B. Majesty's schooner St. 
Lawrence, commanded by Lieut. James E. Gordon, 
of 15 guns, 14 twelve pound carronades upon an im- 
proved construction, and a longni.e; 75 men, and 
had on board a number of soldiers, marines, and 
some gentlemen of the navy passengers j haying by 
the report 15 killed and 23 wounded. 1 had 5 men 
killed, and 8 wounded, myself amongst the latter, 
though very slightly. Thus ended the action in 15 
minutes after its commencement, aud about 8 minute? 
close quarters, with a force in every respect equal to 
our own. 

The Chasseur mounts six 12 pounders, and eight 
short 9 pound carronades, (the latter taken from one 
ot her pries) ten of our 12 pound carronades having 
been thrown overboard while hard chased by the 
Barrosa frigate. Yours with respect, 

THOMAS BOYLE. 

Col. Scott to Governor Early. 

Great Salill river, Feb. 28, 1815. 
[Extract.] SIR— I have the pleasure to inform 
youot a brilliant affair having taken place on the 24th 
inst. on the river St. Mary's between a part of my de- 
tachment, 20 men, commanded b V Capt. William 
Mickler, aided by about 30 oi the Patriots of Flori- 
da, under Col. Dill, and t> of the enemy's barges 
containing about 250 men, winch had attempted to 
proceed up the river to burn Mr. A. Cark's mills. 
1 he enemy were first attacked by the Patriots from 
the Florida shore, near Camp P.nckney, when the 
barges immediately tacked about to retreat, but our 
men being in ambush on tins shore gave them a se- 
cond reception, and thus the tire was kept up from 
44 



346 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 

both shores until they got into a greater .extent of riv- 
er than our riflemen could reach. The enemy lost 
100 killed and wounded.— We had one man severely 
wounded through the body, and several received 
balls through their clothes, ^^^^q^ 

Sailing-master John Hurlburd to Com. Campbell 
I to Gun Boat, No. 168, Cumberland bound,) 
V March 18,1815. j 

[Extract] SIR— Proceeding with the despatch 
which you did me the honor to entrust to my care, 1 
M IVom Tvbee bar, at 1, P. Bl. on the 16th inst 
wind N. E. steering south ; at halt past 3 descried a 
sail in the S. E. quarter, which we soon found to be 
a shin standing N. N. Wi about 40 minutes alter she 
fired a gun and hoisted her colors, the shot passing 
over our fore gaff'; our colors were hoisted, con- 
tinned our course for a few minutes, when anoth- 
er ou„ was fired ; the shot passed abaft the main rig. 
Sing; over the lee quarter. Heaving his vessel too on 
the starboard tack, hailed me by saying, ' you damn d 
rascal, if you don't lower your boat down and come 
on board immediately, 111 fire into you, 1 11 sink you, 
God damn you.' Seeing me in the act of taking m 
the square sail, < why don't you heave to God damn 
you, I'll sink you ; I'll fire a broadside into you 
As soon as I could be heard I said, this is a U. b. 
vessel, from Savannah, with despatches for Admiral 
Cockburn. In the act of pronouncing the last words, 
a musket was fired at me, the ball passed near my 
shoulders, over the hand of the man at the helm, link, 
ing the water from twenty to thirty feet troro the yes- 
sef Putting the helm down, 1 again informed him 
of the character of the vessel, saying, it you wish toi 
further satisfaction you are at liberty to send your boat 
on board ; he Bind, • 1 don't care a damn for the : des- 
patches nor Admiral Cockburn either; Goddamn 
jhem and the United States too ; I U fire a broadsute 
into von and sink yon, if you don t lower youi boa 
down and come on board, you rascal.' Put about and 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 347 

ran close under the ship's lee, saying-, 'this is the U. 
States' gun vessel No. 108, with despatches for the 
Admiral off St. Mary's ; it' you doubt her being 
what she appears to be, you can send your boat on 
board. Turning to me, he says, ' God damn you, 
come on hoarder I'll sink you — I'll tire thunder into 
you.' I replied, ' if you do, I shall return your com- 
plements with lightning.' At tins time 1 received, 
if possible, a greater flood of vulgar abuse than be- 
fore.- I hove about, stood to windward of him, heav- 
ing too on his starboard quarter, with the larboard 
tacks on board ; when a Lieut, came alongside, and 
ordered me into the boat, saying, ' if you do not go 
on board, every one of you will be taken out and 
carried to Charleston.' Go on board and tell your 
commander that I shall not lower my boat, nor shall 
an officer or man leave the vessel, but by force, 
showing him the paper for Admiral Cockburn. 'If 
you don't go on board, you'll be sunk as soon as I go 
on board ; I advise you to go' — ' I want no advice, 
(said 1) I have the orders of my government, by 
which I am governed ; tell your commander that 
such trifling shall not pass with impunity.' On th« 
boat leaving us the Captain of the ship said, 'won't 
the damned rascal come? then come alongside and 
let me sink him ; I'll fire a broadside into him.' On 
the boat's reaching the ship's side a gun was fired; 
the shot passing to leeward, through the mainsail, 
near the mast, cutting away one of the stays, going 
between the foremast and rigging ; while he gave full 
vent to his vulgar abuse. I now saw every one of 
our little crew anxiously waiting the order to fire in- 
to the apparent enemy ; but I considered that several 
lives would in all probability be lost, and the flag 
struck at last. Under these considerations, I fired a 
gun across his bows, as the vessels were lying, sunk 
the signals, and hauled the colors down. A Lieut, 
came on board, to whom I made a formal surrender 
of the vessel ; he observed that he was only a Lieut. 
* Send an officer on board, (I replied) the officers and 
men are your prisoners.' He ordered me on board 



J5J8 HISTOttY OF THE WAR. 

the ship. On my arrival on board the ship, T was 
met by the Capt. near the main mast, saying, tins m 
his majesty's ship Erebus, Bartholomew, commander. 
'This is my sword, (I replied) that is the U. Stales 
gun vessel No. 168, which 1 surrender as your prize, 
myself, officers and crew as your prisoners.' He 
said again, 'how dare you refuse to come on board 
his majesty's ship when ordered ?' ' I know not nor 
do I acknowledge any right you have to order me 
on board, or to interrupt me sailing along the Amer- 
ican coast. I shall, however, make a fair representa- 
tion of tins most flagrant abuse of power on your part 
to my government. I very much regret that I l;ave 
not the command of a vessel of 20 guns, winch would 
save the trouble of demanding satisfaction at a future 
day, by taking it ou the spot.' He said, 'I only wish 
to warn you off the coast; will you see my orders 
from the Admiral to warn all vessels from the coast P* 
* As I am governed by the orders of my own gov- 
ernment, 1 can have nothing to do with those of Ad- 
miral Cockburn.' He said ' 1 thought you might be 
from th- Cape ot Good Hope.' ' You could not be- 
lieve any such thing, when you see she has no quar- 
ter, has not the appearance of having been at sea any 
length of time; her boats not stowed as if to remain 
long at sea; nor could you suppose that were I from 
a long crtnze, I should run past the port of Savannah, 
thereby exposing my vessel to any British ciui/er 
that might happen to be on the coast.' He then said 
' upon my honour, I believe it was an accident, but 
I am sure the last shot would not have been tiivd if 
you had not been trying to run away from me.' * You 
could believe no such thing; \ou saw both gibs to 
windward, and the helm a-lee.' He said, ' upon my 
honor, I don't no whether it went off by accident or 
■was tired, no orders were given to tire ' Alter walk- 
ing the quarter-deck for a few minutes, returning, 
he said, 'will you see my orders to wain all vesseis 
off' the coast.' ' As I have nothing to do wit Iheoa 
I can have no wish to see them.' * If you think this 
will cause any dispute between the two governments, 



HISTORY OF THE WAR. 349 

(said he) I will return with you to the Admiral and 
have it settled/ I replied, 'I do not feel myself 
authorised in my present situation to receive any sat- 
isfaction \ou may have in your power to offer for such 
a wilful insult offered to the U. States.' I was then 
ordered on board, and to proceed with the des- 
patches. JOHN HURLBURD. 

Capt. Stewart to the Secretary of the Navy. 
U. S. frigate Constitution, May, — 1815. 

SIR— On the 20th of February last, the Island of 
Madeira bearing about W. S. W. distant 60 leagues, 
we fell in with his Britannic Majesty's two ships of 
war, the Cyane and Levant, and brought them to ac- 
tion about o'clock in the evening, both of which 
after a spirited engagement of 40 minutes, surrender- 
ed to the ship under my command. 

Considering the advantages derived by the enemy, 
from a divided and more active force, as also their 
superiority in the weight and number of guns, I deem 
the speedy and decisive result of this action the strong- 
est assurance which can be given to the government, 
that all did their duty, and gallantly supported the 
reputation of American seamen. 

Inclosed is a list of the killed and wounded ; also 
a statement of the actual force of the enemy, and the 
number killed and wounded on board their ships as 
near as could oe ascertained. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

CHARLES STEWART. 

FORCE AND LOSS OF THE CONSTITUTION. 
32 twenty-four pounders, — 20 thirty-two pounders. — 
52 guns. Officers, men and boys 406. Killed 3 — 
wounded 12. 

FORCE AND LOSS OF THE CYANE. 

22 thirty-two pounders — 10 eighteen do. — 2 twelve 
do. — 2 brass swivels — officers, men and boys 180. 
Killed 12 — wounded 23. 

FORCE AND L< SS OF THE LEVANT. 

18 thirty -two pounders — 2 nine do. — 1 twelve do. 
officers, men and boys 156. Killed 23 — wounded 16. 



APPENDIX. 



OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE, 

RELATIVE TO THE TREATY OF PEACE. 

Washington, Oct. 10, 1814. 
To the Senate and House of tiepresentativts of 

the United States. 
I lay before congress communications just received 
from the Plenipotentiaries of the U. S. charged with 
negociating peace with Great Britain ; shewing the 
conditions on which alone that government is willing 
to put an end to the war. 

JAMES MADISON. 

Copy of a letter from Messrs. Adams, Bayard, Clay, 
and Russell, to Mr. Monroe, Secretary of State. 
Ghknt, August 12th, 1814. 

SIR — We have the honor to inform you that the 
British commissioners, lord Gambier, Henry Goul- 
burn, Esq. and William Adams, Esq. arrived in this 
city on Saturday evening, the sixth inst. The day af- 
ter their arrival, Mr. Baker, their Secretary, called 
upon us to give us notice of the fact, and to propose a 
meeting, at a certain hour, on the ensuing day. The 
place having been agreed upon, we accordingly met, 
at 1 o'clock, on Monday, the eighth inst. 

We enclose, herewith, a copy of the full powers 
exhibited by the British commissioners, at that con- 
ference ; which was opened on their part by an ex- 
pression of the sincere and earnest desire of their 
o-overnment, that the negotiation might result in a 
solid peace, honorable to both parties. They, at the 
same time declared, that no events which had occur- 
red since the first proposal for this negociation, had 
altered the pacific disposition of their government, or 
varied its views as to the terms upon which it was will- 
ing to conclude the peace. 



APPENDIX. 351 

We answered, that we heard these declarations 
with great satisfaction, and that our government had 
acceded to the proposal of negociation, with the most 
sincere desire to put an end to the differences which 
divided the two countries, and to lay upon just and 
liberal grounds the foundation of a peace which, secur- 
ing the rights and interests of both nations, should 
unite them by lasting bonds of amity. 

The British commissioners then stated the follow- 
ing subjects, as those upon which it appeared to them 
that I he discussions would be likely to turn, and on 
which they were instructed. 

L. The forcible seizure of mariners on board of mer- 
chant vessels, and in connection with it, the claim of 
his Britannic Majesty to the allegliance of all the native 
subjects of G. Britain. 

We understood them to intimate, that the British 
gON eminent did not propose this point as one which 
they were particularly desirous of discussing ; but 
that, as it had occupied so prominent a place in the 
disputes between the two countries, it necessarily at- 
tracted notice and was considered as a subject which 
would come under discussion. 

2. The Indian allies of G. Britain to be included in 
the pacification, and a definite boundary to be settled 
for their territory. 

The British commissioners stated, that an arrange- 
ment upon this point was a sine qua nori ; that they 
\w re not authorized to conclude a treaty of peace 
which did not embrace the Indians, as allies of his 
Britannic Majesty ; and that the establishment of a 
definite boundary of the Indian territory was necessa- 
ry to secure a permanent peace, not only with the In- 
dians, but also between the U. States and G. Britain. 

3. A revision of the boundary line between the U. S. 
and theajacent British colonies. 

With respect to this point, they expressly disclaim 
any intention, on the part of their government, to ac- 
quire an increase of territory, and represented the pro- 
posed revision as intended merely for tiie purpose ot 
preventing uncertainty and dispute. 



352 APPENDIX. 

After having 1 stated these three points as subjects of 
discussion, the British commissioners added, that be- 
fore they desired any answer from us, they felt it in- 
cumbent upon thein to declare, that the British govern- 
ment did not deny the r ght of the Americans to the 
fisheries generally, or in the open seas ; but that the 
privileges, formerly granted by treaty to the U. 
55. of fishing within the limits of the British jurisdiction, 
and of landing 1 and drying fish on the shores of the 
British territories, would not be renewed without an 
equivalent. 

The extent of what was considered by them as wa- 
ters peculiarly British, was not stated. From the 
manner in which they brought this subject into view, 
they seemed to wish us to understand that they were 
not anxious that it should be discussed, and that 
they only intended to give us notice that these privi- 
leges had ceased to exist, and would not be again 
granted without an equivalent, nor unless we thought 
proper to provide expressly in the treaty of peace tor 
their renewal. 

The British comissioners having stated, that these 
were ail the subjects which they intended to bring for- 
ward or to suggest, requested to be informed, whether 
we were instructed to enter into negociation on these 
several points, and whether there was any amongst 
these which we thought it unnecessary to bring into 
the negociat on ? and they desired us to state, o . our 
part, such other subjects as we might intend to propose 
for discussion in the course of the negociation. The 
meeting was then ajourned to the next day, in order 
to afford us the opportunity of consultation among 
ourselves, before we gave an answer. 

In the course of the evening of the same day, we 
received your letters ot the 25th and 27th of June. 

There could be no hesitation, on our part, in in- 
forming the British commissioners, that we were not 
instructed on the subjects of Indian pacification or 
boundary, and of Hisheries. Nor did it seem proba- 
ble, although neither ot these points had been stated 
with sufficient precision m thattirst verbal conference, 



APPENDIX. 853 

that they could be admitted in any shape. — We did 
not wish, however, to prejudge the result, or by any 
hasty proceeding abruptly to break off the negotia- 
tion. It was not impossible that, on the subject of 
the Indians, the British government had received er- 
roneous impressions from the Ind an traders in Can- 
ada, which our representations might remove: and 
it appeared, at all events, important, to ascertain dis- 
tinctly the precise intentions ot' G. Britain on bolh 
points. YVe, therefore, Ihought it advisable to invite 
the British commissioners to a general conversation on 
all the points ; stating to them, at the same lime, our 
want of" instructions on two of them, and holding out 
no expectation of the probability of our agreeing to 
any article respecting them. 

At our meeting on the ensuing day we informed 
the British commissioners, that upon the first and 
third points proposed by them we were provided 
with instructions, and we presented as further subjects 
considered by our government as suitable for dis- 
cussion : 

1st. A definition of blockade ; and as far as might 
be mutually agreed, of other neutral and belligerent 
rights. 

2d. Claims of indemnity in certain cases of capture 
and seizure. 

We then stated that the two subjects, 1st of Indian 
pacification, and boundary, and 2d of fisheries, were 
not embraced by our instructions. 

We observed, that as these points had not been 
heretofore the grounds of any controversy between 
the government of G. Britain and that of the U.S. 
and lvid not been alluded, to by lord Castlereagh, in 
his letter proposing the negotiation* it could not be 
expected that they should i.ave been anticipated aud 
made the subject of instructions by our government, 
that it was natural to be sup used, that our instruc- 
tion were confined to those subjects ii| on which 
differences between die two countries were known to 
exist j and that the proposition to define, in a treaty 



351 APPENDIX. 

between the U. States and G. Britain, the boundary of 
the Indian possessions within our territories, was new 
and without example. No such provision had been 
inserted in the treaty of peace in 1783, nor in any 
other treaty between the two countries. No such 
provision had to our knowledge, ever been inserted in 
any treaty made by G. Britain or any European pow- 
er in relation to the same description of people, ex- 
isting under like circumstances. We would say, 
however, that it would not be doubted, that peace 
with the Indians would certainly follow a peace with 
G Britain : that we had information that commis- 
sioners had already been appointed to treat with them; 
that a treaty to that effect might, perhaps, have been 
already concluded : and that the IT. S. having no in- 
terest, nor any motive to continue a separate war 
against the Indians, there could never be a moment 
when our government would not be disposed to 
make peace with them. 

We then expressed our wish to receive from the 
British commissioners a statement of the views and 
objects of G. Britain upon all the points, and our wil- 
lingness to discuss tin m all, in order that, even if no 
arrangement should be agreed on, upon the points 
not included in our instructions, the government of 
the U. Stales might be possessed of the entire and 
precise intentions of that of G. Britain, respecting 
these points, and that the British government might 
be fully informed of the objections, on the part of the 
U. Stales, to anv such arrangement. 

In answer to our remark that these points had not 
been alluded to by lord Castlereagh, in his letter pro- 
posing the negociation, it was said, that it could not 
be expected, that in a letter merely intended to invite 
a negociation, he should enumerate the topics of dis- 
cussion, or state the pretensions of his government ; 
since these would depend upon ulterior events, and 
might arise out of a subsequent state of things. 

In rejtly to out observation, that the proposed stip- 
ulation of an Indian boundary was without example 
in the practice of European nations, it was asserted, 



APPENDIX. 356 

that the Indians must in some sort be considered as 
an independent people, since treaties were made with 
them, both by G. Britain and by the U. Stales : upon 
which we pointed out the obvious and important dif- 
ferences between the treaties we might make with 
Indians, living in our territory, and such a treaty as 
was proposed to be made, respecting - then. , with a 
foreign power, who had solemnly acknowledged the 
territory on which they resided to be part of the U. 
Sales. 

We were then asked by the British commissioners 
whether, in case they should enter further upon the 
discussion ot the several points which had been stated, 
we could expect thai it would terminate by some 
provisional arrangement on the points on which we 
had no instructions, particularly on that respecting 
the Indians, which arrangement would be subject to 
the ratification of our government ? 

We answered, that before the subjects were dis- 
tinctly understood, and the objects in view more pre- 
cisely disclosed, we could not decide whether it would 
be possible to form any satisfactory article on the 
subject ; nor pledge ourselves as to the exercise of a 
discretion under our powers, even wdh respect to a 
provisional agreement. We added, that as we should 
deeply deplore a rupture of the negoeiatiou on any 
point, it wis our anxious desire to employ all possible 
means to avert an event so serious in its consequences; 
and that we had not been without hopes that a discus- 
sion might correct the effect of any erroneous infor- 
mation which the British government might have re- 
ceived on the subject which they had proposed as a 
preliminary basis. 

\\ e took, this opportunity to remark, that no na- 
tion observed a policy more liberal a id humane to- 
wards the ludjaus than that pursued by the U. States ; 
that our object had been, by all practii able means, to 
introduce civilization amoi gstthem ; that their posses- 
sions were secured to them by well defined bounda* 
ries,that their persons, lands and other property were 
now more effectually piotected agauist. violence ov 



8" 6 APPFNDIX. 

frauds from any quarter, than they had been under 
any former government; thai e\en our citizens were 
not allowed to purchase their lands ; that when ihey 
g.we up their title to any portion of their country to 
the V. States, it was by voluntary treaty with our 
government, who gave them a satisfactory equivalent; 
and that through these means the U. Slates I. ad suc- 
ceeded in preserving, since the treaty of Greenville of 
1796, an uninterrupted peace ot sixteen years, with 
all the Indian tribes; a period of tranquility nun h 
lo ger than they were known to have enjoyed here- 
tofore. 

It was then expressly stated on our part, that the 
proposition respecting the Indians, was not distinctly 
understood. We asked whether the pacification, and 
the settlement of a boundary for them were both made 
aswe qua non. Which was answere i in Hie attirm- 
alive. The question was then asked the British com- 
missioners, whether the proposed Indian bounuary 
■was intended to preclude the U States from tie right 
of purchasing by treaty from the Indians, without the 
consent ot (."»• Britain, lands laving beyond that boun- 
dary ? And as a restriction upon the Indians trom sel- 
ling by amicable treaties lands to the U. States as 
had been hitherto practised? 

To this question, it was first answered by o:>.eof 
the commissioners, that the Indians would not be re- 
stricted from selling their lands, but that the U. States 
would be restricted from purchasing them ; ami on 
reflection another of the commissioners stated, that it 
was intended that the Indian territory should bi. a 
barrier between the British dominions and those of 
the U. States that both G. Britain, and the U. Siates 
should be restricted trom purchasing tlu.r lands; 
but the Indians might sell them to a third party. 

The proposition respecting Indian boundary thus 
explained, and connected with the right of sovereign- 
ty ascribed to the Indians over the country, amounted 
to nothing less than a demand of the absolute cess, on 
of the rights both of sovereignty and 01 soil. We 
cannot abstain from remarking to \ou, that the sub* 



APPENDIX. 357 

ject (of Indian boundary) was indistinctly stated 
when tirst proposed, and that the explanations vxere 
at first obscure and always given with reluctance. 
And it was declared from the first moment, to be a 
sine qua non, rendering any discuss on unprofitable 
until it was admitted as i« basis. Knowing that we 
had no power to cede to the Indians any part of our 
territory, we thought it an necessary to ask, what pro- 
bably would not have been answered till the principle 
wis admitted, where the line of demarkation of the In- 
dian country was proposed to be established. 

The British commissioners, afier having repeated 
that their instructions on the subject of the Indians 
were peremptory, stated that unless we could give 
some assurance, that our powers would allow us to 
make at least a provisional arrangement on the sub- 
ject, any further discussion would be fruitless, and 
that they must consult their own government on this 
state of things. They proposed accordingly a sus- 
pension of the conferences, until they should have re- 
ceived an answer, it being understood that each party 
might call a meetng whenever they had any proposi- 
tion to submit. They despatched a special messen- 
ger the same evening, and we are now waiting for the 
result. 

Before the proposed adjournment took place, it 
was agreed that there should be a protocol of the con- 
ferences ; that a statement should for that purpose be 
drawn up by each party, and that we should meet the 
next day to compare the statements. We according- 
ly met again on Wednesday the 10th hist and ulti- 
mately agreed upon what should constitute the proto- 
col of the conferences. A copy of this instrument, 
we have the honor to transmit with this despatch. 

They objected to the insertion of the an- 
swer which they had given to our question respecting 
the effect of the proposed Indian boundary ; but they 
agreed to an alteration of their original proposition 
on that subject, which renders it much more explicit 
than as stated, either in the first conference or in their 
proposed draught of the protocol. They also object- 



368 APPENmx. 

ed to the insertion of the Tact, that they 'had proposed 
to adjourn the conferences, until the\ comd obtain tur- 
ther instructions from their government. The re- 
turn ot their messengei may, perhaps, disclose the 
motive ot heir reluctance in that respect. 
We have the honor to be. 8cc. 



JOHN Q ADAMS, 
J. A. BAYARD, 



H. CLAY, 
JONA. RUSSELL. 



PROTOCOL OF CONFERENCE. 

August 8, 1814. 

The British commissioners requested information 
whether the American commissioners were instructed 
to enter into negociation on the preceding points?. 
But before they desired any answer, they felt it right 
to communicate the intentions of their government as 
to the North American fisheries, viz. That the Bri- 
tish government did not intend to grant to the United 
States, gratuitously, the privileges formerly granted 
bv treaty to them, of fishing within the limits of the 
British sovereignty, and of using the shores of the Bri- 
tish territories for purposes connected with the fish- 
eries., 

August 9 — The meeting being adjourned to the 9th 
of August the commissioners met again on that day. 

The American commissioners at this meeting stat- 
ed, that upon the first and third points proposed by 
the British commisioners, they were provided with 
instructions from their government, and that the se- 
cond and fourth of these points were not provided for 
in their instructions. That in relation to an Indian 
pacification, they knew that the government of the. 
U. States had appointed commissioners to treat of 
peace with the Indians, and that it was not improba r 
ble that peace had been made with them. 

The American commissioners presented as further 
subp cts considered by the government of the United 
States as suitable for discussion. 

1. A definition of blockade, and as far as maj be 
agreed, ot other neutral and belligerent rights. 



APPENDIX. 359 

2. Certain claims of indemnity to individuals for 
oaptui ed and seizures preceding' and subsequent to 
the war. 

3. They further stated that there were various oth- 
er points to which their instructions extended, which 
might with propriety be objects of discussion, either 
In the negociation ot the peace, or in that of a treaty 
of commerce, which in the case of a propitious ter- 
mination of the present conferences, they were like- 
wise authorised to conclude. That for the purpose of 
facilitating the first and most essential object ol peace, 
they had discarded every subject which was not con- 
sidered as peculiarly connected with t; at, and pre- 
sented only those points which appeared to be imme- 
diately relevant to this negociation. 

The American commissioners expressed their wish 
to receive from the British commissioners a statement 
of the views and objects of Great-Britain, upon all 
the points, and their willingness to discuss them all. 

They, the American commissioners were asked, 
whether, if those of Great-Britain should enter further 
upon this discussion, particularly respecting the In- 
dian boundary, the American commissioners could 
expect that it would terminate by some provisional 
arrangement, which they could conclude, subject to 
the ratification of their government ? 

They answered, that as any arrangement to which 
they could agree upon the subject must be without 
specific authority from their government, it was not 
possible for them, previous to discussion, to decide 
whether any article on the subject could be formed 
which would be mutually satisfactory, and to which 
they should think themselves, under their discretion- 
ary powers, justified in acceding. 

Messrs. Adams, Bayard, Clay, Russell, and Galla- 
tin, to Mr Monroe, /Secretary oj Slate. 

Ghjlvnt, August li), 1814. 
SIR — Mr. Baker, secretary to the British nn>sion, 
called upon us to-day, at I o'clock, and invited us to 
a conference to be held at three. Tins was agreed to, 



360 APPENDIX. 

and the British commissioners opened it, by saying thai 
thev had received their further instructions this morn* 
ini>', and had not lost a moment in requesting a meet- 
ing tor the purpose of communicating the decision of 
their government. It is proper to notice that lord 
Cas lereagh had arrived last night m this city, whence, 
it is said, he w 11 depart to-morrow on his way to 
Brussels and Vienna. 

The British commissioners stated that their gov- 
ernment had felt some surprise, that we were not in- 
structed respecting die Indians, as it could not have 
been expected that they would leave their allies, in 
their comparatively weak situation, exposed to our 
resentment. Great-Britain might justlv have suppos- 
ed that the American government would have fur- 
nished us with instructions authorising us to agree 
to a pos tive article on the subject; but, the least she 
coind demand was that we should sign a provisional 
article admitting the principle, subject to the ratifi- 
cation of our government; so that, if it should be 
ratified, the treat) should take effect ; and, if not, that 
it should be null and void ; on our assent or refusal 
to admit such an article would depend the continu- 
ance or suspension of the negociation. 

As we had represented that the proposition made 
by them, on that subject, was not sufficiently expli- 
cit, their government had directed them to give us 
every necessary explanation, and to state distinctly 
the basis which must be considered as an indispensa- 
ble preliminary. 

It was a sine qua non that the Indians should be 
included in the pacification, and, as incident thereto, 
that the boundaries of their territory should be per- 
manently established. Peace with the Indians was 
a subject so simple, as to require no comment. With 
respect to the boundaries which was to divide their 
territory from that of the United Siates, the object of 
the British government was, that the Indians should 
remain as a permanent barrier between our western 
settlements, and the adjacent British provinces, to 
prevent them from being couteniunoub to each other - 



APPENDIX. 361 

and that neither the United States, nor Great-Britain, 
should ever hereafter have the right to purchase, or 
acquire any part of the territory thus recognized, as 
belonging to the Indians. With regard to the extent 
of the Indian territory, and the boundary line, the 
Br.tish government would propose the lines of the 
Greenville treaty, as a proper basis, su ject, however, 
to discussion and modifications. 

We stated that the Indian territory, according to 
these lines, would comprehend a great number of 
American citizens ; not less, prehaps, than a hundred 
thousand: and asked, what was the intention of the 
British government respecting them, and under whose 
government they would fall .' It was answered that 
those settlements would be taken into consideration, 
when the line became a subject of discussion; but 
that such of the inhabitants, as would ultimately be 
included within the Indian territory, must make their 
own arrangements and provide for themselves. 

The British commissioners here said that, consid- 
ering the importance of the question we had to de- 
cide, (that of agreeing to a provisional article) their 
government had thought it right, that we should also 
be fully informed of its views, with respect to the pro- 
posed revision of the boundary line, between the do- 
minions of G. Britain and the U. States. 

1st. Experience had proved that the joint posses- 
sion of the lakes, and a right common to both nations, 
to keep up a naval force on them, necessarily pro- 
duced collisions, and rendered peace insecure. As 
G. Britain could not be supposed to expect to make 
conquest in that quarter, and as that province was es- 
sentially weaker than the V. States, and exposed to 
invasion, it was necessary, for its security, that G. 
Britain should require that the U. States should here- 
after keep no armed naval force on the Western Lakes, 
from Lake Ontario to Lake Superior, both inclusive; 
that they should not erect any fortified or military 
post or establishment on the shores of those lakes ; 
and that they should not maintain those which were 
46 



>62 APPENDIX. 

already existing 1 . This mast* they saki, be consider- 
ed as a moderate demand, since G.Britain, it she had 
not disclaimed the intention of any increase ot terri- 
tory, might with propriety have asked a cession ot the 
adjacent American shores. The commercial naviga- 
tion and intercourse would be eit on the same toot- 
ing as heretofore. It was expressly stated, (in an- 
swer to a question we asked, ) that G. Britain was to 
retain the right of ha\mg an armed naval force on 
those lakes, and of holding military posts and establish- 
ments on their shores. 

2 The boundary line west of Lake Superior, and 
thence toti e Mississippi, to he revised and the treaty 
right of G. Britain to the navigation of the Mississip- 
pi, to be continued. When asked, whether they did 
not mean the line from the lake of the Woods to the 
Mississippi, the British commissioners repeated that 
they meant the line from lake Superior, to that river. 
3. A direct communication from Halifax and the 
province of New-Brunswick to Quebec, to be secur- 
ed to G. Britain. In answer to our question, in what 
manner this was to be effected, we were told that it 
must be done by a cession to G. Britain of that por- 
tion of the district of Maine (in the state of Massa- 
chusetts) which intervenes between New -Brunswick 
and Quebec, and prevents that direct communica- 
tion. 

Reverting to the proposed provisional article, re- 
specting the Indian pacitication and boundary, the 
British commissioners concluded by stating to us, 
that it the conferences should be suspended by our re- 
fusal to agree to such an article, without having ob- 
tained further instructions from our government, G. 
Britain would not consider herself bound to abide by 
the terms which she now offered, but would beat lib- 
erty to vary and regulate her demands according to 
subsequent events, and in such manner as the state of 
the war, at the time of renewing the negotiation, 
might warrant. 

We asked whether the statement made, respect- 
ing proposed revision of the boundary line between 



APPENDIX. 363 

the U. States and the dominions of G. Britain; em- 
braced all ihe objects she meant to bring- forward for 
discussion, and what were, particularly, her views 
with respect to Moose Island, and such other islands 
in the bay of Passamaquaddy, as had been in our 
possession till the present war, but had been lately 
c iplured ? We were answered, that those Islands, 
belonging of right to G. Britain, (as much so, one of 
the commissioners said, as Northamptonshire,) they 
would certainly be kept by her, and were not even 
supposed to be an object of discussion. 

From the forcible manner in which the demand, 
that the U. States should keep no naval armed force 
on the lakes, nor any military post on their shores, 
has been brought forward, we were induced to in- 
quire whether this condition was also meant as a sine 
qua non P To this the British commissioners declined 
giving a positive answer. They said that they had 
been sufficiently explicit ; that they had given us one 
sin qua non> and when we had disposed of that, it 
would be time enough to give us an answer as to 
another. 

\ We then stated that, considering the nature and 
importance of the communication made this day, we 
wished the British commissioners to reduce their 
proposals to writing, before we gave them an answer; 
this they agreed to and promised to send us an official 
note without delay. 

We need hardly say that the demands of G. Britain 
will receive from us an unanimous and decided neg- 
ative. We do not deem it necessary to detain the 
John Adams for the purpose of transmitting to you 
the official notes which may pass on the subject and 
close the negociation. And we have felt it our duty 
immediately to apprize you, by this hasty, but cor- 
rect sketch of our last conference, that there is not at 
present, any hope of peace. 

We have the honor to be, &c. 



JOHN Q ADAMS, 
J. A. BAYARD, 
A. GALLATIN. 



H. CLAY, 
JONA. RUSSELL. 



364 APPENDIX. 

Note of the British Commissioners. Received after 
the above letter was mitten. 

The undersigned, Plenipotentiaries of his Britannic 
Majesty, do themselves the honor of acquainting the 
Plenipotentiaries of the U. States, that they have 
communicated to their court the result of the coher- 
ence which they had the honor of holding- with them 
upon the 9th inst. in which they stated, that they 
•were unprovided with any specific instructions, as to 
comprehend ng the In lian nations in a treaty of 
peace to be made with G. Brtam, and as to dtmiing' 
a boundary to the Iwdian territory. 

The undersigned are instructed to acquaint the 
Plenipotentiaries of the U. States, that his Majesh's 
government having at, the outset of the negociation, 
with a view to the speedy restoration of peace re- 
duced as far as possible the number of points to be 
discussed, and having professed themselves willing to 
forego on some important topics anv stipulation to 
the advantage of G. Britain, cannot but feel some 
surprize that the government of the U. States should 
not have furnished their Plenipotentiaries with in- 
structions upon those points which could hardly fail to 
come under discussion. 

Under the inability of the American Plenipotentia- 
ries, to conclude any article upon the subject of In- 
dian pacification and I. man boundary, which shall 
bind the government vi the U. States, his Majesty's 
government conceive that they cannot give abetter 
proof of their sincere desire for the restoration of 
pe.ice, than by professing their willingness to accept 
a provisional article upon these heads, in the event of 
the American Plenipotentiaries considering them- 
selves authorized to accede to the general principles, 
upon which Mich an article ought to be founded. 
With a view to enable the American Plenipotentia- 
ries to decide, how far the conclusion of such an arti- 
cle is within the limit of then* general discretion, the 
undersigned are directed to state, fully and distinctly, 
the basis upon which alone G. Britain sees any proa* 



APPENDIX. 365 

pect of advantage in the continuance of the negocia- 
tionsat the present tune. 

The undersigned have already had the honor of stat- 
iugtothe American Plenipotentiaries, that in con- 
sidering the points above referred to, as a sine qua non 
of any treaty of peace, the view of the British govern- 
ment is the permanent tranquility and security of the 
Indian nation, aid the prevention of those jealousies 
and irritations, to which the frequent alteration of the 
Indian limits has heretofore given rise. 

For this purpose it is indispensably necessary, that 
the Indian nations who have been during the war in 
alliance with G. Britain should, at the termination of 
the war, be include! in the pacification. 

It is equally necessary, that a definite boundary 
should be assigned to the Indians, and that the con- 
tracting parties should guarantee the integrity of 
their territory, by a mutual stipulation, not to acquire 
by purchase, or otherwise, any territory within the 
specified limit's. Tne British government are willing 
to take, as the basis of an article on this subject, those 
stipulations of the treaty ot" Greenville, subject to mo- 
difications, which relate to a boundary line. 

As the undersigned are desirous of stating every 
point in connection with the subject, which may rea- 
sonably influence the decision of the American Pleni- 
potentiaries in the exercise of their discretion, they 
avail themselves of this opportunity to repeat what 
they already stated, that G. Britain desires the revi- 
sion of the frontier between her North American do- 
minions and those of the U. States, not with any view 
to an acquisition of territory, as such, but for the pur- 
pose of securing her possessions, and preventing fu- 
ture disputes. 

The British government, consider the lakes from 
lake Ontario to lake Superior, both inclusive, to be 
the natural military frontier of the British possessions 
in North America. As the weaker power on tin; 
Nortti American continent, the least capable of acting 
offensively, and the most exposed to sudden invasions, 
G.JBritain considers the military occupation of these 



<56t> APPENDIX, 

Lakes as necessary to the security of her dominions. 
A boundary line equally dividing" ihese waters, with 
a right to each nation to arm, both upon the lakes 
and upon their shores, is calculated to create a con- 
test for naval ascendancy in peace as well asin war. 
The power which occupies these lakes should, as a 
necessary resuh, have the military occupation of both 
shores 

In furtherance of this object the Britsh government 
is prepared to propose a boundary. But as this 
might be misconstructed as an intention to extend their 
possessions to the southward of the lakes, which is by 
no means the object they have in view, they are dis- 
posed to leave the territorial limits undisturbed, and 
as incident to them, the free commercial navigation 
of the lakes, provided that the American government 
will stipulate not to maintain or construct, any fortifi- 
cations upon, or within a limited distance of the shores, 
or maintain or construct any armed vessel upon the 
lakes in question, or in the rivers which empty them- 
selves into the same. 

If this can be adjusted, there will then remain for 
discussion the arrangement of the north western boun- 
dary between lake Superior and the Mississippi, the 
free navigation of that river, and such a vacation of 
the line ot frontier as may secure a direct communi- 
cation between Quebec and Halfax. 

The undersigned trust, that the full statement which 
they have made of the views and objects of the British 
government m requiring the pacification of the Indian 
nations, and a permanent limit to their territories, will 
enable the American Plenipotentiaries to conclude a 
provisional article upon the basis above stated. 
.Should they feel it necessary to refer to the govern- 
ment of the U. States tor further instructions, the un- 
dersigned feel it incumbent upon them to acquaint 
the American Plenipotentiaries, that the government 
cannot be precluded by any thing that has passed 
from varying the terms at present proposed, in such a 
manner, as the state of war, at the time ot resuming the 
conferences, may in theirjudgment render advisable. 



APPENDIX 367 

The undersigned avail themselves of this occasion 
to renew to the Plenipotentiaries of the U. States, the 
assurance of their high consideration 

GAMBIER, 
11. GOULBURN. 
W. ADAMS. 
Ghent, August 19, 1814. 

The ministers plenipotentiary and extraordinary of 
the (J. iSlates to the 2^^'nipotentiaries oj his Bri- 
tannic Majesty. 

Ghent, August 24, 1814. 
The undersigned ministers plenipotentiary and 
extraordinary from the United States of America, 
have given to the official note which they have had 
the houor of receiving from his Britannic majesty's 
plenipotentiaries the deliberate attention which the 
importance of its contents required, and have now 
that of transmitting to them their answer on the sev- 
eral points to which it refers. 

They would present to the consideration of the Bri- 
tish plenipotentiaries, that lord Castlereagh, in his let- 
ter of the 4th of November 1813, to the American 
secretary of state, pledges the faith of the British gov- 
ernment that * they were willing to enter into discus- 
sion with the government of America for the concili- 
atory adjustment of the differences subsisting between 
the two states, with an earnest desire on their part to 
bring them to a favorable issue, upon principles of 
perfect reciprocity, not inconsistent with the estab- 
lished maxims of public law, and the maritime rights 
of the British empire.' This fact alone might suffice 
to shew, that it ought not to have been expected that 
the American government, in acceding to this pro- 
position, should have exceeded its terms, and furnish- 
ed the undersigned with instructions authorising 
them to treat with the British plenipotentiaries re- 
specting Indians situated within the boundaries of the 
II. States. That such expectation was not enter- 
tained by the British government might also have 
*>eeu inferred from the explicit assurauces which the 



368 APPENDIX. 

British plenipotentiaries gave, on the part of their 
government, at the first conference which the under- 
signed had the honor of holding with them, that no 
events, subsequent to the first proposal for this nego- 
ciation, had, many manner, varied either the dispo- 
sition ofthe British government, that it might termi- 
nate in a peace honorable to both parties, or the terms 
upon which they would be willing to conclude it. 

It is well known that the differences which unhap- 
ily subsist between Great-Britain and the U. States, 
and which ultimately led to the present war, were 
wholly of a maritime nature, arising principally from 
the British Orders in Council, in relation to blockades, 
and irom the impressment of mariners from on board 
of American vessels. — Tue boundarv of the Indian 
territory had never been a subject ot difference be- 
tween the two countries. Neither the principles of 
reciprocity, the maxims of public law, nor the mari-. 
time rights of the British empire could require the 
permanent establishment of such a boundary. The 
novel pretensions now advanced couid no more have 
been anticipated by the government of the IT. Slates, 
in forming instructions tor this negotiation, than they 
seem to have been contemplated by that of G. Britain 
in November last in proposing it. Lord Castlereagtrs 
note makes the terrain >tion ofthe war to depend on 
a conciliatory adjustment oi' the differences then sub- 
sisting between the two states and in no other condi- 
tion whatever. 

Nor could the American government have foreseen 
that G. Britain in order to obtain peace for the Indians, 
residing Within the dominions of the U. States, whom 
she had induced to take part with her in the war, 
would demand that they should be made parties to 
the treaty between the two nations, or that the boun- 
daries of their lands should be permanently and irre- 
vocably fixed by that treaty. Such a proposition is 
contrary to the acknowledged principles of public 
law, and the practice of all civilized nations, partic- 
ularly ot : Great-Britain and of the U. States. It is 
not founded on reciprocity. It is unnecessary for tb<* 



APPENDIX. yt)9 

attainment of the object which it professes to have in 
view. 

No maxim of public law has hitherto been more 
universally established among the powers of Europe 
possessing- territories in America, and there is none 
to which Great-Britain has more uniformly and in- 
flexibly adhered, than that of suffering no interposi- 
tion of a foreign power in the relations between the 
acknowledged sovereign of the territory, and the In- 
dians situated upon it. Without the admission of this 
principle, there would be no intelligible meaning 
attached to stipulations establishing boundaries be- 
tween the dominions in America, of civilized nations 
possessing territories inhabited by Indian tribes. — 
Whatever may be the relations of Indians to the na- 
tion in whose territory they are thus acknowledged 
to reside, they cannot be considered as an independent 
power by the nation which has made such acknowl- 
edgment. 

The territory of which Great-Britain wishes now to 
dispose, is within the dominions of the U. States, 
was solemnly acknowledged by herself in the treaty 
of peace of 1783, which established their boundaries, 
and by which she relinquished all claim to the gov- 
ernment, propriety, and territorial rights within these 
boundaries. No condition respecting the Indians re- 
siding therein, was inserted in that treaty. No stip- 
ulation similar to that now proposed is to be found in 
any treaty made by Great-Britain, or within the 
knowledge of the undersigned, by any other nation. 

The Indian tribes for which Great-Britain propo- 
ses now to stipulate have, themselves, acknowedged 
this principle. By the Greenville treaty of 1795, to 
which the British plenipotentiaries have here alluded, 
it is expressly stipulated, and the condition has been 
confirmed by every subsequent treaty, so late as the 
year 1810, • That the Indian tribes shall quietly en- 
joy their lands, hunting, planting, and dwelling there- 
on, so long as they please, without any molestation 
from the IT. Slates : but that w hen those tribes, or 
47 



370 APPENDIX, 

any of them, shall he disposed to sell their lands, they 
shall he sold only to the U. States: that nut ! m ch 
sale, the U. States will protect all the said I dian 
tnbes in the quiet enjoyment of their lands against 
all citizens of the IT. States, and against all oti er 
white persons who intrude on the same, and that the 
said Indian tribes again acknowledge themselves to 
be under the protection of the said U. Slates, and of 
no other power whatever.' 

That there is no reciprocity in the proposed stipu- 
lation is evident. In prohibiting G. Britain and the 
U. States from purchasing lands within a part of the 
dominion oi the latter power, while it professes to 
take from G. Britain a privilege which she had not, it 
actually deprives the U. States of a right exclusively 
belonging to them. 

The proposition is utterly unnecessary for the pur- 
pose of obtaining a pacification for the Indians resid- 
ing within the territories of theU. States. The un- 
dersigned have already had the lienor of informing 
the British Plenopoientiaries, that, under the system 
of liberal policy adopted by the U. States in their re- 
lations with the Indians within their territories, an un- 
in'errupted peace had subsisted from the year 1775, 
not only between the IT. States and all those tribes, 
but also amongst those tribes themselves for a longer 
period of time than ever had been known since the 
first settlement of North America. Against those 
Indians the U. States have neither interest nor incli- 
nation to continue the war. They have nothing to 
ask oi" them but peace. Commissioners on their part 
have been appointed to conclude it, and an armistice 
was actually made last autumn with most of those 
tribes. The British government may again have in- 
duced some of them to take their side in the war, but 
peace with them will necessarily follow immediately 
a peace vvih G. Britain. To a provisional article 
similar to what his been stipulated in some former 
treaties, engaging that each party will treat for the 
Indians Within its territories, include them in the. 
peace, and use its best endeavors to prevent them 



APPENDIX. 371 

from committing hostilities against tiie citizens or 
subjects of the other party, the undersigned might as- 
sent, and rely on the approbation and ratification of 
their government. Tuev wou.d also tor the purpose 
of securing the duration oi peace, a.;d to prevent col- 
lisions which might interrupt it, propose a stipu ation 
which should preclude the subjects or citize s of 
each nation, respectively from trading with the 
I tdians residing in the territory of the other. But to 
surrender both the rights of sovereignty and of sod 
over nearly one third of the territorial dominions of 
the U. States to a number of Indians not probably 
exceeding twenty thousand, the undersigned are so 
far from being instructed or authorized, that any ar- 
rangement tor til at purpose would be instantaneously 
rejected by their government. 

Not only has this extraordinary demand been made 
nsme qua non, to be admitted without a discussion. 
and as a preliminary basis ; but it is accompanied 
by others equally inadmissible, which the British ple- 
nipotentiaries state to be so connected with it, that 
they ma\ reasonably influence the decision of the un- 
dersigned upon it, yet leaving them uniformed how 
far these other demands may also be insisted on as in- 
dispensable conditions ot a peace. 

As little are the undersigned instructed or empow- 
ered to accede to the propositions of the British govrn- 
meut, in relation to the military occupation of the 
western lakes. If they have found the proposed inter- 
ference ol'G. Britain in the concerns or Indians resid- 
ing within the U. States utterly incompatible with any 
established maxim of public law, they are no less at 
a loss to discover by what rule of perfect reciprocity 
the U. Slates can be required to renounce their equal 
right of maintaining a naval force upon those lakes, 
ami of fortifying their own shores, while G. Britain, 
reserves exclusively the corresponding rights to her- 
self. That in point of military preparation, G. Bri- 
tain in her possessions in Norili America, ever has 
been in a condition to be termed, with propriety, the 
weaker power in comparison with the U. States, the 



t>72 APPENDIX. 

undersigned believe to be incorrect in point of fact 
In regard to the fortification of the shores, and to the 
forces actually kept on foot upon those frontiers, they 
believe the superiority to have always been on the side 
of G. Britain. If the proposal to dismantle the forls 
upon her shores, strike forever her military flag upon 
her lakes, and lay her whole frontier defenceless in the 
presence of her armed and fortified neighbor, had 
proceeded not from G. Britain to the U. States, but 
from the U. States to G. Britain, the undersigned 
luay safely appeal to the bosoms of his Britannic 
Majesty's Plenipotentiaries for the feelings with 
which, not only in regard to the interests, but the hon- 
or of their nation, they would have received such a 
proposal. What would G. Britain herself say, if in 
relation to another frontier, where she has the ac- 
knowledged superiority of strength, it were proposed 
that she should be reduced to a condition even of 
equality with the U. States ? 

The undersigned further perceive that under the 
alledged purpose of opening a direct communication 
between two of the British provinces in America, the 
British government require a cession of territory 
forming a part of one of the states of the American 
union, and that they propose, without purpose speci- 
fically alledged, to draw the boundary line westward, 
not from the lake of the Woods, as it now is, but from 
lake Superior. It must be perfectly immaterial to 
the Uj^ States whether the object of the British 
^ovenment, to demanding the dismemberment of the 
U. States is to acquire territory, as such, or for pur- 
poses less liable, in the eyes of the world, to be ascri- 
bed to the desire of aggrandizement. Whatever the 
motive may be, -and with whatever consistency views 
of conquest may be disclaimed, while demanding for 
herself, or for the Indians, a cession of territory more 
extensive than the whole Island of G. Britain, the 
duty marked out for the undersingned is the same. 
The}" have no authority to cede any part of the terri- 
tory of the IT. States, and to no stipulation to that ef- 
fect will they subscribe 






APPENDIX. 373 

The conditions proposed by G. Britain have no re- 
lation to the subsisting differences between the two 
countries: they are inconsistent with acknowledged 
principles of public law : they are founded neither on 
reciprocity nor on any of the usual bases of negocia- 
tion, neither on that of uti possidetis, or of status ante 
bellum : they would inflict the most vital injury on 
the U States, by dismembering their territory, by ar- 
resting' their natural growth and increase of popula- 
tion, and by leaving their northern and western fron- 
tier equally exposed to British invasion and to Indian 
aggression : they are, above all, dishonorable to the 
U. States, in demanding from them to abandon ter- 
ritory and a portion of their citizens, to admit a for- 
eign interference in their domestic concerns, and to 
cease to exercise their natural rights on their own 
shores and in their own waters. A treaty concluded 
on such terms would be but an armistice. Ii can- 
not be supposed that America would long submit to 
conditions so injurious and degrading. It is impossi- 
ble, in the natural course of events, that she should not, 
at the first favorable opportunity, recur to arms, ior 
the recovery of her territory, of her rights, of her hon- 
or. Instead of settling existing differences, such a 
peace would only create new causes of war, sow the 
seeds of a permanent hatred, and lay the foundation 
of hostilities for an indefinite period. 

Essentially pacific from her political institutions, 
from the habits of her citizens, from her physical sit- 
uation, America reluctantly engaged in the war. 
She wishes for peace ; but she wishes for it upon 
those terms of reciprocity, honorable to both counties, 
which can alone render it permanent. The causes 
of the war between the U. States and G.Britain having 
disappeared by the maritime pacifications of Europe, 
the government of the U. States does not desire to 
continue it, in defence of abstract principles, which 
have fo the present, ceased to have any practical ef- 
fect. The undersigned have been accordingly in- 
structed to agree to its termination, both parties res- 
toring whatever territory t'jiey may have taken, and 



374 appendix. 

both reserving all their rights, in relation to their re- 
spective seamen. To make the peace between the 
two nations solid and permanent, the undersigned 
were also instructed, and have been prepared to enter 
into the most amicable discussion of all those points 
on wh.cb differences or uncertainty had existed, and 
which might hereafter tend in any decree whatever to 
interrupt the harmony of the two countries, without, 
however, making the conclusion of the peace at nil 
depend upon a successful result of the discussion. 

It is, therefore, with deep regret, that the under- 
signed have seen that other views are entertained by 
the British government, and that new and unexpected 
pieLe.sons are raised, which, if persisted in, must op- 
pose an insuperable obstacle to a pac^cation. It is 
not necessary to refer such demands to the American 
government for its instruction. They will only be a 
fit subject of deliberation, when it becomes necessary 
to decide upon the expediency of an absolute surren- 
der of national independence. 

The undersigned request the British Plenipoteo 
fciar es Jo accept the assurance of their high esteem. 



JOHN a ADAMS. 
J. A BAYARD, 
H. CLAY, 



JONA. RUSSELL, 
A. GALLATIN. 



The British to the American Commissioners. 
Ghi:nt, :-ept. 4, 1814. 

The undersigned have the honor to acknowledge 
the receipt of the note of the American Plenipoten- 
tiaries, dated the'24ih ultimo. 

It is with unfeigned regret that the undersigned ob- 
serve, both in the tone and substance of the whole 
note, so little proof of any disposition on the part of the 
government of the U. States to enter into an amica- 
ble discussion of the several points submitted by the 
undersigned in their former communication. The 
undersigned are perfectly aware, that in bringing tor- 
ward those points for consideration, and staling with 
so much frankness, as they did, the views with which 
they were proposed, they departed from the usual 



APPENDIX. 37 

Coarse of negociating, by disclosing all the objects of 
their government, while those which the American 
government had in view were withheld : but in so 
doing they were principally actuated by a desire of 
bringing the negociation as soon as possible to a favor- 
able termination, and in some measure by their willing- 
ness to comply with the wishes expressed b^ theAmer- 
tan Plenipotentiaries themselves. 

It is perfectly true that the war between his Majes- 
ty and the U. Slates, was declared by the latter pow- 
er upon the pretence of maritime rights alledged to be 
asserted by G. Britain, and disputed by the U. States. 

If the war thus declared by the U. states had been 
carried on by them for objects purely of a maritime 
nature, or if the attack which has been made on Can- 
ada had been for the purpose of diversion, or the way 
of defence against the British forces in that quarter, 
any qustion as to the boundaries of Canada, might 
have been considered as unnecessary ; but it is noto- 
rious to the whole world that the conquest of Cauda, and 
its permanent annexation to the U. States, was the de- 
clared object of the American government. If in 
consequence of a different course of events on the con- 
tinent of Europe, his Majesty's government had been 
unable to reinforce the British armies in Canada, 
and die. United States had obtained a decided supe- 
riority in that quarter, is there any person who doubts 
that they would have availed themselves of their situ- 
ation to obtain on the side of Canada important ces- 
sions of territory, if not the entire abandonment of that 
country by Great Britain? Is the American govern- 
ment lobe allowed to pursue, so for as its means will 
enable it, a system of acquisition and aggrandize- 
ment to the extent of annexing entire provinces to 
their dominions, and is his majesty to be precluded 
from availing himself of his means, so far as they will 
enable him, to retain those points which the valor of 
British arms may have placed in his power, because 
they happen to be situated within the territories allot- 
ted under former treaties to the government of tho. 
tJnlfced States? 



376 APPENDIX. 

Such a principle of negociation was never avowed 
antecedent to that of the revolutionary government of 
France. 

It the policy of the United States had been essen- 
tially pacific, as the American plenipotentiaries as- 
sert it ought to he, from their political institutions, 
from the habits of their citizens, and from their phys- 
ical situation, it might not have been necessary to 
propose the precautionary provisions now under dis- 
cussion. That, of late years at least, the American 
government have been influenced by a very different 
policy ; by a spirit of aggrandizement not necessary 
to their own security, hut increasing with the extent 
of their empire, has been too clearly manifested by 
their progressive occupation of the Indian territories ; 
by the acquisition ot Louisana ; by the more recent 
attempt to wrest by force of arms from a nation in 
amity, the two Fiondas : and, lastly, , by the avowed 
intention of permanently annexing the Canadas to 
the United States. 

If, then, the security of the British North American 
dominions requires any sacrifices on the part of the 
U. States, they must be ascribed to the declared poli- 
cy of that government in making the war not one of 
self defence, nor for the redress of grievances, real or 
pretented, but a part of a system of conquest and ag- 
grandizement. 

The British government in its present situation, is 
bound in duty to endeavor to secure its North Amer- 
ican dominions against those attempts at conquest, 
which the American government have avowed to be 
a principle of their policy, and which as such will un- 
doubtedly be renewed, whenever any succeeding war 
between the two countries shall afford a prospect of 
renewing them with success. 

The British plenipotentiaries proposed that the 
military possession of the lakes, from lake Ontario to 
lake Superior, should be secured to Great-Briain, be- 
cause the command of those lakes would afford to the 
American government the means of commencing a 
war in the heart of Canada, and because the command 



APPENDIX, 377 

oi them, on the part of Great-Britain, has been shewn 
by experience to be attended with no insecurity to the 
United States. 

When the relative strength of the two powers in 
North America is considered, it should be recollect- 
ed that the British dominions in that quarter do not 
contain a population of five hundred thousand souls, 
whereas the territory of the U. States contains a pop- 
ulation of more than seven millions ; that the naval 
resources of the United States are at hand for attack, 
and that the naval resources of G. Britain are on the 
other side of the Atlantic 

The military possession of those lakes is not, there- 
fore, necessary for the protection of the U. States. 

The proposal for allowing 1 the territories on the 
southern banks of the lakes above mentioned to re- 
main in the possession of the government of the U. 
States, provided no fortifications should be erected 
on the shores, and no armament permitted on the wa- 
ters, has been made, for the purpose of manifesting, 
that security and not acquisition of the territory is the 
object of the British government, and that they have 
no desire to throw obstacles in the way of any com- 
merce which the people of the U. States may be de- 
sirous of carrying on upon the lakes in time of peace. 

The undersigned, with the anxious wish to rectify 
all misunderstanding, have thus more fully explained 
the grounds upon which they brought forward the 
propositions contained in their former note respecting 
the boundaries of the British dominions iu North 
America. 

They do not wish to insist upon them beyond what 
the circumstances may fairly require. They are ready, 
amicably to discuss the details of them with a 'view 
to the adoption of any modifications which the Amer- 
ican plenipotentiaries, or their government, may have 
to suggest, it they are not incompatible with the ob- 
ject itself. 

With respect to the boundary of the district of 
Maine, and that of the north western frontier of the 
48 



373 APPFNDI*. 

TL States, the undersigned were not prepared to an- 
ticipate the objections contained in the note of Un- 
American plenipotentiaries, ' that they were instruct- 
ed to treat for the revision of their boundary lines,' 
with the statement which they have subsequently 
made, that they had no authority to cede any part, 
however insignificant, of the territories of the United 
States, although the proposal left it open to them to 
demand an equivalent for such cession either in fron- 
tier or otherwise. 

The American plenipotentiaries must be aware that, 
the boundary of the district of Maine has never been 
correctly ascertained; that the one asserted at pre- 
sent by the American government, by which the di- 
rect communication between Halifax and Quebec 
becomes interrupted, was not in contemplation of the 
British plenipotentiaries who concluded the treaty of 
1783, and that the greater part of the territory in 
question is actually unoccupied- 

The undersigned are persuaded that an arrange- 
ment on this point might be easily made, if entered 
into with the spirit of conciliation, without any pre- 
judice to the interests of the district in question. 

As the necessity of fixing some boundary for the 
north western frontier has been mutually acknowl- 
edged, a proposal for a discussion on that subject can- 
not be considered as a demand for a cession of territo- 
ry, unless the U. States are prepared to assert that 
there is no limit to their territories in that direction, 
and tin,* availing themselves of the geographical er- 
ror upon which that part of the treaty of 1783 was 
founded, they will acknowledge no boundary what- 
ever, then unquestionably any proposition to fix one,, 
be it what it may, must be considered as demanding 
a large cession of territory from the U. States. 

Is the American government prepared to assert 
such an unlimited right, so contrary to the evident 
intention of the treaty itself? Or, is his majesty's 
government to understand that tiie American pleni- 
potentiaries are willing to acknowledge the boundary 
from the lake of the Woods to the Mississippi (the 



APPENDIX. ^7i» 

arrangement made by a convention in 180-3, but not 
ratified) as that by which their government is ready 
to abide ? 

The British plenipotentiaries are instructed to ac- 
cept favorably such a proposition, or to discuss any 
other line of boundary which may be submitted for 
consideration. 

It is with equal astonishment and regret the under- 
signed find that the American plenipotentiaries have 
not only declined signing any provisional article, by 
which the Indian nations who have taken part with 
Great-Britain in the present contest may be included 
in the peace, and may have a boundary assigned to 
them, but have also thought proper to express surprise 
at any proposition on the subject having been advanced. 

The American Plenipotentiaries state, that their 
government could not have expected such a discus- 
sion, and appear resolved, at once, to reject anv pro- 
position on this head; representing it as a demand 
contrary to the acknowledged principles of public 
law, tantamount to a cession of one third of the terri- 
torial dominions of the U. States, and required to be 
admitted without discussion. 

The proposition which is thus represented is, that 
the Indian nations, which have been during the war 
in alliance with G.Britain, should at its termination 
be included in the pacification ; and with a view to 
their permanent tranquility and security, that the Bri- 
tish government is willing to take as a basis of an ar- 
ticle on the subject of a boundary for those nations, 
the stipulations which the American government con- 
tracted in 179<3, subject, however, to modifications. 

After the declaration, publicly made to those In- 
dian nations by the governor Gen. of Canada, that 
G. Britain would not desert them, could the Ameri- 
can government really persuade itself that no propo- 
sition relating to those nations would be advanced, 
and did iord Castlereagh's note or the 4th Nov. 1810. 
imply so great a sacrifice of honor, or exclude from dis- 
cussion every subject, except what immediately rela- 
ted to the martime questions referred to in it ? 



380 APPENDIX. 

When the undersigned assured the American Ple- 
nipotentiaries of the anxious wish of the British 
government that the negociation might terminate in a 
peace honorable to both parties, it could not have 
been imagined that the American Plenipotentiaries 
would thence conclude, that his Majesty's govern- 
ment was prepared to abandon the Indian nations to 
their fate, nor could it have been forseen that the 
American government would have considered it as 
derogatory to its honor to admit a proposition by which 
the tranquility of these nations might be secured. 

The treaty of Greenville established the boundaries 
between the U. States and the Indian nations. The 
American Plenipotentiaries must be aware, that the 
war which has since broken out, has abrogated that 
treaty. Is it contrary to the established principles of 
public law for the British government to propose, on 
behalf of its allies, that this treaty, shall, on the pacifi- 
cation, be considered subject to such modifications 
as the case may render necessary r" Or is it unrea- 
sonable to propose, that this stipulation should be 
amended, and that on that foundation some arrange- 
ment should be made which would provide for theex- 
istance of a neutral power between G. Britain and the 
U. States, calculated to secure to both a longer con- 
tinuance of the blessings of peace ? 

So far was that specific proposition respecting the 
Indian boundaries from being insisted upon in the 
note, or in the conference which preceded it, as one 
to be admitted without discussion, that it wouid have 
been difficult to use terms of greater latitude, or 
which appeared more adapted, uot only not to pre- 
clude but to invite discussion. 

If the basis proposed could convey away one third 
of the territory of the U. States, the American govern- 
ment itself must have conveyed it away by the 
Greenville treaty of 1795. 

It is impossible to read that treaty without remark- 
ing how inconsistent Ibe present pretensions of the 
American government are, with its preamble and 
provisions. The boundary line between the lands of 



APPENDIX. 38;1 

the U. States and those of the Indian nations, is there- 
in expressly defined. The general character of* the 
treaty, is that of a treaty with independent nations ; 
and the very stipulation which the American Pleni- 
potentiaries refer to, that the Indian nations should sell 
their lands only to the U. States, tends to prove that, 
but for that stipulation, the Indians had a general 
right to dispose of them. 

The American government has now for the first 
time, in effect, declared that ail Indian nations with- 
in its line of demarkation are its subjects, living there 
upon sufferance, on lands which it also claims the ex- 
clusive right of acquiring, thereby menacing the final 
extinction of those nations. 

Against such a system the undersigned must for- 
mally protest. The undersigned repeat, that the 
terms on which the proposition has been made for as- 
signing to the Indian nations some boundary, mani- 
fest no unwillingness to discuss any other proposition 
directed to the same object, or even a modification of 
that which is offered. G. Britain is ready to enter in- 
to the same engagements with respect to the Indians 
living within her line of demarkation, as that which 
is proposed to the U. States. It can therefore, only 
be from a complete misapprehension of the proposi- 
tion, that it can be represented as being not reciprocal. 
Neither can it, with any truth, be represented as con- 
trary to the ae-knowledged principles of public law, 
as derogatory to the honor, or inconsistent with the 
rights of the American government, nor as a demand 
required to be admitted without discussion. 

After this full exposition of the sentiments of his 
Majesty's government on the points above stated, it 
will be for the American plenipotentiaries to determine 
whether they are ready now to continue the negocia- 
tions ; whether they are disposed to refer to their 
government for further instructions ; or, lastly, wheth- 
er they will take upon themselves the responsibility of 
breaking oft" the negociation altogether. 



o82 APIVEXDI-X. 

The undersigned request the American Plenipo- 
tentiaries to accept the assurances of their high con- 
sideration. 

GAxMBIER, 

HENRY GOULBURN, 

WM. ADAMb. 

The American to the British Commissioners. 
Ghent, Sept. Oth, 1814. 

The undersigned have had the honor to receive 
the note of his Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiaries, 
dated the 4th inst. If in the tone, or substance of the 
former note of the undersigned, the British commis- 
sioners have perceived little proof of any disposition 
on the part of the American government, for a dis- 
cussion of some of the propositions advanced in the 
first note, which the undersigned had the honor of re- 
ceiving from them, they will ascribe it to the nature of 
the propositions themselves, to their apparent incom- 
patibility with the assurances iu lord Castlereagh's 
letter to the American Secretary of state, proposing 
the negociation, and with the solemn assurances of the 
British Plenipotentiaries themselves, to the under- 
signed, at their first conferences with them. 

The undersigned, in reference to an observation of 
the British Plenipotentiaries, must be allowed to say, 
that the objects which the government of the U. States 
had in view, have not been withheld. 

The subjects considered as suitable for discussion 
were fairly brought forward, in the conference of the 
Oth ult. and the terms on which the U. States were 
willing to conclude the peace, were frankly and ex- 
pressly declared in the note of the undersigned, dated 
the 24th ultimo. It had been confidently hoped that 
the nature of those terms, so evidently framed in a 
spirit of conciliation, would have induced G. Britain 
to adopt them as the basis of a treaty ; and it is with 
deep regret that the undersigned, if they have rightly 
understood the meaning of the last note of the British 
Plenipotentiaries, perceive that they still insist on the 
exclusive military possession of the lakes, and on n 



APPENDIX 383 

permanent boundary and independent lerntorory for 
the Indians residing within the dominions oi" the U . 
States. 

The first demand is grounded on the supposition, 
that the American government has manifested, by its 
proceedings towards Spam, by the acquisition of Lou- 
isiana, by the purchases of Indian lands, and by an 
avowed intention of permanently annexing the Cana- 
das to the U. States, a spirit of aggrandizement and 
conquest, which justifies the demand of extraordinary 
sacrifices from them, to provide for the security of the 
British possessions in America. 

Jn observations which the undersigned felt it their 
duty to make on the new demands of the British 
government, they confined their animadversions to 
the nature of the demands themselves : they did not 
seek for illustrations of the policy of G. Britain in her 
conduct, in various quarters of the globe, towards 
other nations, for she was not accountable to the \J. 
States. Yet the undersigned will say, that their 
government has ever been ready to arrange, in the 
most amicable manner, with Spain, the questions re- 
specting the boundaries of Louisiana, and Florida, and 
that of the indemnities acknowledged by Spain due 
to American citizens. How the peaceable acquisition 
of Louisiana, or the purchase of lauds within the ac- 
knowledged territories of the U. States, both made b\ 
fair and voluntary treaties for satisfactory equivalents, 
can be ascribed to a spirit of conquest dangerous to 
their neighbors, the undersigned are altogether at a 
toss to understand. 

Nor has the conquest of Canada, and its permanent 
annexation to the U . States, been the declared object of 
•heir government. From the commencement of the 
war to the present time, the American government 
has been always willing to make peace, without ob- 
taining any cession of territory, and on the sole con- 
dition that the maritime questions might be satis- 
factorily arranged. Such was their disposition in the 
month of July, 1812, when they instructed Mi 
Hnssell to make the proposal o f a« armistice; in the 



384 APPEND*^ 

month of October of the same year, when Mr. Mom 
roe answered Admiral Warren's proposals to the 
same effect; in April, 1813, when instructions were 
given to three of the undersigned then appointed to 
treat of peace, under the mediation of Russia; and 
in January, 1814, when the instructions under which 
the undersigned are now acting, were prepared. 

The proposition of the British plenipotentiaries is, 
that, in order to secure the frontier of Canada against 
attack, the U. States should leave their own without 
defence; aud :t seems to he forgotten, that if their 
superior population, and the proximity of their re- 
sources give them any advantage in that quarter, it 
is balanced by the great, difference between the mil- 
itary establishments of the two nations. No sudden 
invasion of Canada by the U. States could be made, 
without leaving on their Atlantic shores, and on the 
ocean, exposed to the great superiority of the British 
force, a mass of American property far more valuable 
than Canada. In tier relative superior force to that 
of the U. States in every other quarter, Great-Britain 
may find a pledge much more efficacious for the safety 
of a single vulnerable point, than in stipulations ru- 
inous to the interests and degrading to the honor of 
America. The best security for the possessions of 
both countries will, however, be found in an equal 
and solid peace; in a mutual respect for the rights of 
each other, and in the cultivation of a friendly under- 
standing between them. If there be any source of 
jealousy in relation to Canada itself, it will be found 
to exist solely in the undue interference of traders 
and agents, which may be easily removed by proper 
restraints. 

The only American forts on the lakes known to 
have been, at the commencement of the negociation, 
held by British force, are Michilimackiuac and Ni- 
agara. As the U. States were, at the same time, in 
possession of Amherstburg r.nd the adjacent couuiry 
it is not perceived that the mere occupation of those 
two forts could give any claim to his Britannic ma- 
jesty to large cessions of territory, founded upon the 



APPENDIX. 385 

right of conquest; and the undersigned may he per- 
mitted to add, that even if the chances of war should 
yield to the British arms a momentary possession of 
other parts of the territories of the U. Stales such 
events would not alter their view with regard to the 
terms of peace to which they would give their consent. 
Without recurring to examples drawn from the re- 
volutionary governments of France, or to a more re- 
cent and illustrious triumph of fortitude in adversity, 
they have been taught by their own history that the 
occupation of their principal cities would produce no 
despondency, nor induce their submission to the dis- 
memberment of their empire, or to the abandonment 
of any one of the rights which constitute a part of 
their national independence. 

The general position, that it was consistent with 
the principle of public law, and with the practice of 
civilized nations, to include allies in a treaty of peace, 
and to provide for their security, never was called in 
question by the undersigned. But they have denied 
the right of Great-Britain, according to those princi- 
ples and her own practice, to interfere in any man- 
ner with Indian tribes residing within the territories 
of the U. States, as acknowledged by herself, to con- 
sider such tribes as her allies, or to treat for them with 
the CJ. States. They will not repeat the facts and 
arguments already brought forward by them in sup- 
port of this position, and which remain unanswered. 
The observations made by the British plenipotentia- 
ries on the treaty of Greenville, and their assertion 
that the U. States now, for the first time, deny the 
absolute independence of the Indian tribes, and claim 
the exclusive right of purchasing their lands, require, 
however, some notice. 

If the U. States had now asserted, that the Indians 
within their boundaries, who have acknowledged the 
U. States as their only protectors were their subjects, 
living only at sufferance on their lands, far from being 
the first in making that assertion, they would only 
have followed the example on the principles, uni- 
49 



•380 APPENDIX. 

fonuly and invariably asserted in substance, and fre- 
quently avowed in express terms by the British gov- 
ernment itself. What was the meaning of all the 
colonial charters granted by the British monarchy, 
from that of Virginia, by Elizabeth, to that of Georgia, 
by the immediate predecessor of the present king, if 
the Indians were the sovereigns and proprietors of 
the lands bestowed by those charters ? What was 
the meaning of that article in the treaty of Utrecht, 
by which the five nations were described, in terms, as 
subject to the dominion of Great Britain ? or that of 
the treaty with the Cherokees, by which it was de- 
clared that the king of Great Britain granted them 
the privilege to live where they pleased, if those sub- 
jects were independent sovereigns, and if these ten- 
ants, at the licence of the British king, were the right- 
ful lords of the lands where he granted them permis- 
sion to live ? What was the meaning of that procla- 
mation of his present Britannic majesty issued in 
1763, declaring all purchases of lands from the In- 
dians null and void, unless made by treaties held un- 
der the sanction of his majesty's government, if the 
Indians had the right to sell their lands to whom they 
pleased? What was the meaning of boundary lines 
of American territories, in all the treaties of G. Bri- 
tain with other European powers having American 
possessions, particularly in the treaty of 170-3, by 
which she acquired from France the sovereignty and 
possession of the Canadas ; in her treaty of peace with 
theU. States in 178f3; nay, what is the meaning of 
the north western boundary line now proposed by the 
British commissioners themselves, if it is the rightful 
possession and sovereignty of independent Indians, 
of which these boundaries disposer Is it indeed, ne- 
cessary to ask, whether Great Britain ever has per- 
mitted, or would permit, any foreign nation, or with- 
out her consent, any of her subjects, to acquire lands 
from the Indians, in the territories of the Hudson ba} 
company, or in Canada? In formally protesting 
against this system, it is not against a novel preten- 
sion of the American government, it is against the 



APPENDIX. 087 

most solemn acts of their own sovereigns, against the 
royal proclamations, charters, and treaties of G. Bri- 
tain, tor more than two centuries, from the first settle- 
ment of North America to the present day, that the 
British plenipotentiaries protest. 

From the rigor of this system, however, as practis- 
ed by Great-Britain, and all other European powers 
in America, the humane and liberal policy of the IT. 
States has voluntarily relaxed. A celebrated writer 
on the laws of nations, to whose authority British ju- 
rists have taken particular satisfaction in appealing", 
after staling, in the most explicit manner, the legit- 
imacy of colonial settlements in America, the exclu- 
sion of all rights of uncivilized Indian tribes, has tak- 
en occasion to praise the first settlers of New-Eng- 
land, and the founder of Pennsylvania, in having pur- 
chased of the Indians the lands they resolved to cul- 
tivate , notwithstanding their being furnished with a 
charter from their sovereign. It is this example, 
which the U. States, since they became by their in- 
dependence, the sovereigns of the territory, have 
adopted and organized into a political system. Un- 
der that system, the Indians residing within the U. 
States are so far independent that they live under 
their own customs, and not under the laws of the U. 
States, that their rights upon the lands where they 
inhabit, or hunt, are secured to them by boundaries de- 
fined in amicable treaties between the U. States and 
themselves ; and that whenever those boundaries were 
varied, it is also by amicable and voluntary treaties, by 
which they receive from the U. States ample compen- 
sation for every right they have to the lands ceded to 
them. They are so fa" dependent as not. to have the 
right to dispose of their lands to private persons, nor 
to any power other than the United States, and to be 
under their protection alone, and not under that of 
any other power. Whether called subjects, or by 
whatever name designated, such is the relation be- 
tween them and the United States. — That relation is 
neither asserted now for the first time, nor did it ori- 
ginate with the treaty of Greenville. These princH 



^88 APPENDIX. 

pies have been uniformly recognized by the Indians 
themselves, not only by that treaty, but in all the oth- 
er previous as well as subsequent treaties between 
them and the U. States. 

The treaty of Greenville neither took from the In- 
dians the right, which they had not, of selling lands 
within the jurisdiction of the U. States to foreign 
governments or subjects, nor ceded to them the right 
of exercising exclusive jurisdiction within the boun- 
dary line assigned. It was merely declaratory of 
the public law in relation to the parties, founded on 
principles previously and universally recognized. It 
left to the U. States the rights of exercising sove- 
reignty and of acquiring soil, and bears no analogy 
to the proposition of Great Britain which requires the 
abandonment of both. 

The British plenipotentiaries state in their last note, 
that Great Britain is ready to enter into the same en- 
gagement with respect to the Indians living within 
her line of demarkation, as that which is proposed to 
the U. States. — The undersigned will not dwell on 
the immense inequality of value between the two ter- 
ritories, which under such an arrangement, would be 
assigned, by each nation respectively to the Indians, 
and which alone would make the reciprocity merely 
nominal. The condition which would be thus imposed 
on Great Britain not to acquire lands in Canada from 
the Indians, would be productive of no advantage to 
the U. States, and is, therefore, no equivalent for the 
sacrifice required of them. They do not consider 
that it belongs to the U. States in any respect to in- 
terfere with the concerns of Great Britain in her 
American possessions, or with her policy towards 
the Indians residing there : and they cannot consent 
to any interference, on the part of Great Britain, with 
their own concerns, and particularly with the Indians 
living within their territories. It may be the inter- 
est of G. Britain to limit her settlements in Canada 
to their present extent, and to leave the country to 
the West a perpetual wilderness, to be for fever in- 
habited by scattered tribes of hunters : but it would 



APPENDIX. i389 

inflict a vital injury on the U. States to have a line 
run through her territory, beyond which her settle- 
ments should for ever be precluded from extending', 
thereby arresting the natural growth of her popula- 
tion and strength ; placing the Indians substantially, 
by virtue of the proposed guarantee, under the pro- 
tection of G. Britain; dooming them to perpetual 
barbarism, and leaving an extensive frontier for ever 
exposed to their savage incursions. 

With respect to the mere question of peace with 
the Indians, the undersigned have already explicitly 
assured the British plenipotentiaries that so far as it 
depended on the U. States, it would immediately 
and necessarily follow a peace with G. Britain. If 
this be her sole object, no provision in the treaty to 
that effect is necessary. Provided the Indians will 
now consent to it, peace will immediately be made 
with them, and they will be reinstated in the same 
situation in which they stood before the commence- 
ment of hostilities. Should a continuance of the war 
compel the U. States to alter their policy towards the 
Indians, who may still take the part of G. Britain, 
they alone must be responsible for the consequences 
of her own act in having induced them to withdraw 
themselves from the protection of the U. States. 
The employment of savages, whose known rule of 
warfare is the indiscriminate torture and butchery of 
women, children, and prisoners, is itself a departure 
from the principles of humanity observed between all 
civilized and christian nations, even in war. 

The U. States have constantly protested, and still 
protest against it as an unjustifiable aggravation of 
the calamities and horrors of war. — Of the peculiar 
atrocities of Indian warfare, the allies of G. Britain 
in whose behalf she now demands sacriti ces of the U. 
States, have during the present war, shewn many de- 
plorable examples. Among them, the massacre in 
cold blood, of wounded prisoners, and the refusal of 
the rights of burial to the dead, under the eyes of 
British officers who could only plead their inability 
to controul these savage auxiliaries, have been re- 



390 APPENDIX. 

peatedj and are notorious to the world. The United 
States might at all times have employed the same 
kind of force against G. Britain, to a greater extent 
than it was in her power to employ it against them ; 
but from their reluctance to resort to means so abhor- 
rent to the natural feelings of humanity, they abstain- 
ed from the use of them until compelled to the alter- 
native of employing themselves Indians, who other- 
wise would have been drawn into the ranks of their 
enemies. The undersigned suggesting to the British 
plenipotentiaries the propriety of an article by which 
G. Britain and the U. States should reciprocally 
stipulate never hereafter, if they should be again at 
war, to employ savages in it, believe that it would be 
infinitely more honorable to the humanity and chris- 
tian temper of both parties, more advantageous to the 
Indians themselves, and better adapted to secure their 
permanent peace, tranquility, and progressive civil- 
ization, than the boundary proposed by the British 
plenipotentiaries. 

With regard to the cession of a part of the district 
of Maine, as to which the British plenipotentiaries 
are unable to reconcile the objections made by the 
undersigned with their previous declaration, they 
have the honor to observe, that at the conference of 
the 8th ult. the British plenipotentiaries stated as one 
of the subjects suitable for discussion, a revision of the 
boundary line between the British and American ter- 
ritories, with a view to prevent uncertainty and dis- 
pute: and that it was on the point thus stated, that 
the undersigned declared that they were provided 
with instructions from their government ; a declara- 
tion which did not imply that they were instructed 
to make any cession of territory in any quarter, or 
agree to a revision of the line, or to any exchange of 
territory, where no uncertainty or dispute existed. 

The undersigned perceive no uncertainty or mat- 
ter of doubt in the treaty of 1783, with respect to that 
part of the boundary of the district of Maine which 
would be affected by the proposal of G. Britain on 
J hat subject. They never have understood that the 



APPENDIX. G91 

British plenipotentiaries who signed that treaty, had 
contemplated a boundary different from that fixed by 
the treaty; and which requires nothing more, in or- 
der to be definitely ascertained, than to be surveyed 
in conformity with its provisions. This subject not 
having been a matter ot' uncertainty or dispute, the 
undersigned are not instructed upon it j and they can 
have no authority to cede any part of the state of Mas- 
sachusetts, even for what the British government 
might consider a fair equivalent. 

In regard to the boundary of the northwestern 
frontier, so soon as the proposition of Indian bound- 
ary is disposed of, the undersigned have no objec- 
tion, with the explanation given by the British Ple- 
nipotentiaries in their last note, to discuss the subject. 

The undersigned, in their former note, stated with 
frankness, and will now repeat, that the two propo- 
sitions, 1st, of assigning in the proposed treaty of 
peace n. definite boundary to the Indians living with- 
in the limits of the United States, beyond which 
boundary they should stipulate not to acquire, by pur- 
chase or otherwise, any territory ; 2dly, of securing 
the exclusive military possession of the lakes to Great- 
Britain, are both inadmissible; and that they cannot 
subscribe to, and would deem it useless to refer to their 
government, any arrangement, even provisional, con- 
taining either of these propositions. With this un- 
derstanding, the undersigned are now readv to con- 
tinue the negociation ; and as they have already ex- 
pressed, to discuss all the points of difference, or 
which might hereafter tend in any degree to interrupt 
the harmony of the two countries. 

The undersigned request the British plenipoten- 
tiaries to accept the assurance of their high conside- 
ration. 



J. Q, ADAMS, 
J. A.BAYAHR 
EL CLAY, 



JONA. RUSSELL 
A. GALLATIN 



392 APPENDIX. 

The British to the American Commissioners. 

Ghent, Sept. 19th, 1814. 

The undersigned have the honor to acknowledge 
the receipt of the pote addressed to them by the 
American plenipotentiaries on the 9th inst. 

On the greater part of that note, the undersigned 
have no intention to make comments, having pro- 
posed to themselves throughout the negociation to 
avoid all unnecessary discussions, more especially 
when tending to create irritation. 

On the question of the northwestern frontiers, they 
are happy to find that no material difficulty is likely 
to arise. 

With respect to the boundary of the District of 
Maine, the undersigned observe with regret, that 
although the American plenipotentiaries have ac- 
knowledged themselves to be instructed to discuss a 
revision of the boundary line, with a view to prevent 
uncertainty and dispute, yet, by assuming an exclu- 
sive right at once to decide what is or is not a subject 
of uncertainty and dispute, they have rendered their 
powers nugatory or inadmissibly partial in their ope- 
ration. 

After the declaration made by the American ple- 
nipotentiaries, that the U. States will admit of no line 
of boundary between their territory and that of the 
Indian nations, because the natural growth and popu- 
lation of the U. States would be thereby arrested, it 
becomes unnecessary further to insist on the proof of 
a spirit of aggrandizement afforded by the purchase 
of Louisiana from France, against the known con- 
ditions on which it had been ceded by Spain to that 
country, or the hostile seizure of a great part of the 
Floridas, under a pretence of a dispute respecting the 
boundary. 

The reason given by the American plenipotentia- 
ries for this declaration, equally applies to the assign- 
ment of a boundary to the U. States on any side, with 
whatever view proposed ; and the unlimited nature 
of the pretension would alone have justified G. Bri- 
tain in seeking more effectual securities against its 



APPENDIX. 39o 

application to Canada, than any which the under- 
signed have had the honor to propose. 

Had the American plenipotentiaries been instruct- 
ed on the subject of Canada, they would not have 
asserted that its permanent annexation had not been 
the declared object of their government. It has been 
distinctly avowed to be such at different times, par- 
ticularly by two American generals on their respect- 
ive invasions of Canada. If the declaration first- 
made had been disapproved, it would not have been 
repeated. The declarations here referred to are to 
be found in the proclamation of general Hull, in Ju- 
ly, 1812, and of general Smyth, in November, 1812, 
copies of which are hereunto annexed. 

It must be also from the want of instructions that 
the American plenipotentiaries have been led to as- 
sert that G. Britain has induced the Indians to with- 
draw from the protection of- the U. States. The 
government of the U. States cannot have forgotten 
that Great-Britain, so far from inducing the Indians 
to withdraw themselves from the protection of the 
[J. States, gave the earliest information of the inten- 
tion of those nations to invade the U. States, and ex- 
erted herself, though without success, to prevent and 
appease their hostility. The Indian nations, how- 
ever, having experienced, as they thought, oppression, 
instead of protection from the U. Stales, declared 
war against them previously to the declaration of war 
by that country against G. Britain. The treaty b\ 
which the Indians placed themselves under the pro- 
lection of the U. States, is now abrogated, and the 
American government cannot be entitled to claim, 
as a right, the renewal of an article in a treaty, which 
lias no longer any existence. The Indian nations 
are therefore no longer to be considered as under the 
protection of the United States, (whatever may be 
the import of that term) and it can only be on the 
ground that they are regarded as subjects, that the 
American plenipotentiaries can be authorized to deny 
therigfhtof Great-Britain to interfere on their behal 
50 



39 i APFKM>lX. 

"u» the negotiations for peace. To any sncli claia?, 
it is repeated, that the treaties concluded with them/ 
and particularly that of Greenville, are in direct op- 
position. 

It is not necessary to recur to the manner in which 
the territory of the United States was at, first settled, 
in order to decide, whether the Indian nations, the 
original inhabitants of America, shall have some spot 
assigned to them, where they may be permitted to 
live in tranquility ; nor whether their tranquility can 
be secured without preventing an uninterrupted sys- 
tem of encroachment upon them under the pretence 
of purchase. 

If the American plenipotentiaries are authorized 
peremptorily to deny the right of the British govern- 
ment to interfere with the pacification of the Indian 
nations, and for that reason refuse ail negotiations 
on the subject, the undersigned are at a loss to under- 
stand, upon what principle it was, that at the confer- 
ence of the 9th ultimo, the American plenipotentia- 
ries invited discussion on the subject, and added, that 
it was not possible for them to decide without discus- 
sion, whether an article could be framed which should 
he mutually satisfactory, and to which they should 
think themselves, under their discretionary powers. 
warranted in acceding. 

The undersigned must further observe, that if the 
American government has not furnished their pleni- 
potentiaries with any instructions since January last, 
when the general pacification of Europe could not 
have been immediately in contemplation, this subse- 
quent silence, after an event so calculated (even in 
the view which the American plenipotentiaries hav< 
taken' ©fit, in their note of the '2 lib ult.) to influ- 
ence the negotiation, is, to say the least, no proof of 
a sincere desire to bring it to a favorable conclusion. 
The British government has entered into the negoti- 
ation with an anxious wish to effect an amicable ar- 
rangement. After convulsions unexampled in their 
nature, extent, and duration, the civilized world has 
need of repose. To obtain this in Europe, G. Bi'i- 



APPENDIX, 395 

tarn has made considerable sacrifices. To complete 
the work of general pacification, it. is her earnest wish 
to establish a j>eace with the U. States, and in her en- 
deavors to accomplish this object, to manifest the 
same principles of moderation and forbearance ; but 
it is utterly inconsistent with her practice and her 
principles ever to abandon in her negociations for 
peace, those who have co-operated with her in war. 

The undersigned, therefore, repe.it, that the British 
government is willing- to sign a treaty of peace with 
the U. States on terms honorable to both parties. Jt 
has not offered any terms which tfie U. States can 
justly represent as derogatory to their honor, nor can 
it be induced to accede to any which are injurious to 
its own. It is on this ground that the undersigned are 
authorized distinctly to declare, that they are instruct- 
ed not to sign a treaty of peace with the plenipoten- 
tiaries of the U. States, unless the Indian nations are 
included in it, and restored to all the rights, privile- 
ges, and territories, which they enjoyed in the year 
1811, previous to the commencement of the war, 
by virtue of the treaty of Greenville, and the treaties 
subsequently concluded between them and the United 
States. From this point the British plenipotentiaries 
• ;aii not depart. 

They are further instructed to offer for discussion 
an article by which die contracting parties shall re- 
ciprocally bind themselves, according to boundaries 
to bt agreed upon, not to purchase the lands occu- 
pied by the Indians within their respective lines of 
demarcation. By making this engagement subject 
to revision at the expiration of a given period, it is 
ho(.-ed that the objection to the establishment of a 
boundary beyond which the settlement of the United 
States should be forever excluded, may be effectual- 
ly obviated. 

The undersigned have never stated that the exclu- 
sive military possessions on the lakes, however con- 
ducive thev are satisfied it would be to a good under- 
standing between the two countries, without endan- 
gering the security of the U. States, was to be con- 



&J6 APPENDIX. 

si tie red as a sine qua non in the negotiation. When- 
ever the question relative to the pacification of the 
Indian nations (which, subject to the explanations 
already given, is a sine qua non,) shall be adjusted, 
the undersigned will be authorized to make a final 
proposition on the subject of Canadian boundaries, 
so entirely founded on principles of moderation and 
justice, that they feel confident it cannot be rejected. 
This proposition will be distinctly stated by the un- 
dersigned, upon receiving an assurance from the 
American plenipotentiaries that they consider them- 
selves authorized to conclude a provisional article on 
the subject, and upon their previously consenting to 
include the Indian nations in the treaty, in the man- 
ner above described. 

The undersigned avail themselves of this oppor- 
tunity of renewing to the American plenipotentiaries, 
the assurance of their high consideration. 

GAMBIER, 

HENRY GOULBURN, 
WILLIAM ADAMS. 

The Amcncan to the British Commissioners. 

Ghent, Sept. 26, 1814. 
In replying to the note which the undersigned 
have had the honor of receiving from his Britannic 
majesty's plenipotentiaries, dated on the 19th inst. 
they are happy to concur with them in the sentiment 
of avoiding unnecessary discussions, especially such 
as may have a tendency to create irritation. They 
had hoped that, in the same spirit, the British pleni- 
potentiaries would not have thought allusions again 
necessarv to transactions foreign to this negotiation, 
relating to the United States, and other independent 
nations, and not suitable for discussion between the 
United Stales and Great-Britain. The observation 
made with respect to Louisiana is the more extraor- 
dinary, as the cession of that province to the United 
States was, at the lime, communicated to the British 
government, who expressed their entire satisfaction 
with it, and lias subsequently received the solemn 



APPENDIX. 3'J7 

sanction of Spain herself. The undersigned will 
further say, that whenever the transactions of the l*. 
States, in relation to the boundaries of Louisiana and 
Florida, shall be a proper subject of discussion, they 
will be found not only susceptible of complete justi- 
fication, but will demonstrate the moderation and 
forbearance of the American government, and their 
undeviating resnect for the rights of their neighbors. 

The undersigned are far from assuming the ex- 
clusive right to decide, what is, or is not, a subject 
of uncertainty and dispute, with regard to the bound- 
ary of the District of Maine. But until the British 
plenipotentiaries shall have shown in what respect the 
part of that boundary which would be affected by 
their proposal, is such a subject, the undersigned 
may be permitted to assert that it is not. 

The treaty of 1783 described the boundary as *a 
line to be drawn along the middle of the river St. 
Croix, from its mouth in the bay of Fundy, to its 
source, and from its source directly north to the high- 
lands which divide the rivers that fall into the Atlan- 
tic ocean from those which fall into the siver St. 
Lawrence, and thence along the said highlandsto the 
northwesternmosthead of Connecticut river.' 

Doubts having arisen as to the St. Croix designa- 
ted in the treaty of 1783, a provision was made by 
that of 1704 for ascertaining it : and it may be fairly 
inferred, from the limitation of the article to that 
sole object, that even in the judgment of G. Britain, 
no other subject of controversy existed in relation to 
the extension of the boundary line from the source of 
that river. That river and its source having been ac- 
cordingly ascertained, the undersigned are prepared 
to propose the appointment of commissioners by the 
two governments, to extend the line to the highlands, 
conformably to the treaty of 1783. The proposal, 
however, of the British Plenipotentiaries was not to as- 
certain, but to vary those lines in such manner as to 
secure a direct communication between Quebec and 
J Ialifax ; an alteration which could not be effected 
without a cession bv the the T T . States to G. Britain 



3y« APPENDIX 

of all that portion of the state of Massachusetts inter- 
veiling' between the province of New Brunswiek and 
Quebec, although unquestionably included within the 
boundary lines fixed l>y that treaty. Whether ll was 
contemplated on the part of G. Britain to obtain the 
cession, with or without an equivalent in frontier or 
otherwise, the undersigned, in stating- that they were 
not instructed or authorised to treat on the subject of 
cession, have not declined to discuss any matter of 
uncertainty or dispute which the British Plenipoten- 
tiaries may point out to exist, respecting the bounda- 
ries in that or in any other quarter, and are, therefore, 
not liable to the imputation of having rendered their 
powers on the subject nugatory or inadmissibly par- 
tial in their operation. 

The British plenipotentiaries consider the under- 
signed as having declared, * thai the II. States will 
admit of no line of boundary between their territory 
and that of the Indian nations because the natural 
growth and population of the U. States would be 
thereby arrested.' The undersigned, on the contra- 
ry, expressly stated in their last note * that the lands 
inhabited by the Indians were secured to them by 
boundaries, defined in amicable treaties between them 
and the U- States :' but they did refuse to assign, in 
a treaty of peace with G. Britain, a definitive and 
permanent boundary to the Indians, living within the 
limits of the U. States. On this subject, the under- 
signed have no hesitation in avowing, that the U. 
States, while intending never to acquire lands from 
the Indians otherwise than peaceably, and with their 
free consent, are fully determined in that manner, 
progressively, and in proportion as their growing po- 
pulation may require, to reclaim from the state of na- 
ture and to bring into cultivation every portion of tin 
territory contained within their acknowledged boun- 
daries. In thus providing for the support Ot million-: 
of civilized beings, they will not violate any dictate o! 
justice or humanitv, for they will not only give to the 
few thousand savages, scattered over that territory. 
an ample equivalent for any right they may sun 



APPENDIX. 399 

tier, but will always leave them the possession of 
lands more than they can cultivate, and more than 
adequate to their subsistence, comfort and enjoyment 
hy cultivation. 

It' this he a spirit of aggrandizement, the undersign- 
ed are prepared to admit, in that sense, its existence ; 
but thcv must denv that it. affords the slightest proof 
of an intention not to respect the boundaries between 
them and European nations, or of a desire to en- 
croach upon the territories of G. Britain. If, in the 
progress of their increasing population, the American 
people must grow in strength proportioned to their 
numbers, the undersigned will hope that G. Britain, 
far from repining at the prospect, will contemplate it 
with satisfaction. They will Hot suppose that that gov- 
ernment will avow, as the basis of their policy towards 
the U. States, the system of arresting" their natural 
growth within their own territories, for the sake of 
preserving a perpetual desert for savages. IfG. Bri- 
tain has made sacrifices to give repose to the civilized 
world in Europe, no sacrifice is required from her by 
the U. States to complete the work of general pacifi- 
cation. This negotiation at least evinces, on their 
part, no disposition to claim any other right, than thai 
of preserving their independence entire, and of gov- 
erning their own territories without foreign interfer- 
ence. 

Of the two proclamations, purported copies of 
which the British plenipotentiaries have thought 
proper to enclose with their* last note, the undersigned 
might content themselves with remarking:, that neiili- 
er of them is the act of the American government. 
They are enabled however to add, with perfect con- 
fidence, that neither of them was authorised or ap- 
proved by that government. The undersigned are 
not disposed to consider as the act of the British gov- 
ernment, the proclamation of Admiral Qofchrane, 
herewith enclosed, exciting a portion of the popula- 
tion of the U. States, under the promise of military 
employment, or of fret: settlement in the West-inch' 
to treachery and rebellion. The undersigned \< ■ 



400 APPENDIX. 

sincerely regret to be obliged to say, that an irresisti- 
ble mass of evidence, consisting principally of the 
correspondence of British officers and agents, part on- 
ly of which has already been published in America, 
establishes beyond all rational doubt, the fact, that a 
constant system of excitement to those hostilities Was 
pursued by the British traders and agents, who had 
access to the Indians, not only without being discoun- 
tenanced, but with frequent encouragement by the 
British authorities ; and that if they ever dissuaded 
the Indians from commencing hostilities, it was only 
by urging them, as in prudence, to suspend their 
attacks, until G. Britain should recognize them as her 
allies in the war. 

When, in the conference of the 9lh ult. the under 
signed invited discussion upon the proposal of Indian 
pacification and boundary, as well as upon all the 
subjects presented by the British plenipotentiaries for 
discussion, they expressly stated their motives to be, 
1st, to ascertain by discussion whether an article on 
the subject could be formed to which they could sub- 
scribe, and which would be satisfactory to the British 
plenipotentiaries; and 'idly, that if no such article 
could be formed, the American government might be 
informed of the views of G. Britain upon that point, 
and the British government of the objections on the 
part of the United States, to any such arrangement. 
The undersigned have, in fact, already proposed no 
less than three articles on the subject, all of which 
they view as betler calculated to secure peace and 
tranquility to the Indians, than any one of the propo- 
sals for that purpose, made by the British plenipoten- 
tiaries. 

The undersigned had repeated their assurances to 
the British plenipotentiaries, that peaC< , so far as il 
depended on the United States, would hmnedialeU 
fallow a peace with G. Britain, and added, that On 
Indians would thereby be reinstated in the saax 
situation in which thev stood before the commence- 
ment of hostilities. The British plenipoteptiarh - 
insist, in their last note, that the Indian nations shall 



APPENDIX. 401 

be in eluded in the treaty of peace between Great- 
Britain and the IT. States, and be restored to all the 
rights, privileges, and territories which they enjoyed 
in the year 1811, previous to their com mencement 
of the war, by virtue of the treaty of Greenville, 
and the treaties subsequently concluded between 
them and the IT. States. Setting aside the subject of 
boundary, which is presented as for discussion only, 
there is no apparent difference with respect to the 
object in view ; the pacification and tranquility of the 
In lians, and placing them in the same situation in 
vhich they stood before the war, all which will be 
equally obtained in the manner proposed by the un- 
dersigned, and the only point of real difference is, 
the British plenipotentiaries insist that it should be 
done by including the Indians, as allies of G. Bri- 
tain, in the treaty of peace between her and the U. 
States. 

The IT. States cannot consent that Indians residing 
within their boundaries, as acknowledged by Great- 
Britain, shall be included in the treaty of peace, in 
any manner which will recognize them as independ- 
ent nations, whom G. Britain, having obtained this 
recognition, would hereafter, have the right to con- 
sider in every respect, as such. Thus to recognize 
these Indians as independent and sovereign nations, 
would take from the IT. States, and transfer to those 
Indians, all the rights of soil and sovereignty over 
the territory which they inhabit; and this being ac- 
complished through the agency of G. Britain, would 
place them effectually and exclusively under her pro- 
tection, instead of being, as heretofore, under that 
of the IT. States. It is not perceived in what res- 
pect such a provision would differ from an absolute 
cession by the IT. States of the extensive territory in 
question. 

The British plenipotentiaries have repeated the 

assertion, that the treaty by which the Indians placed 

themselves under the protection of the U. States, 

was abrogated by the war ; and thfnce infer, that the\ 

51 



402 APPENDIX. 

are no longer to be considered as under the protec- 
tion of the V. Slates, whatever nwn be the import 
of the term ; and that the right of G Britain to in- 
terfere in their behalf in the negotiation of peace, 
can only be denied on the ground that they are re- 
garded as subjects. In point of fact, several ot the 
tribes, parhes to the treaty of Greenville, have con- 
stantly been, and still are. at peace v ith the United 
States. "Whether that treaty be, or be not abrogated, 
is a question not necessary to be now discussed. The 
right of the U. States to the protection of the Indians 
within their boundaries, was not acquired by that 
treaty ; it was a necessary consequence of the sove- 
reignty and independence of the U. States. Previ- 
ous to that time the Indians living within the s:me 
territory, were under the protection ot his Britannic 
majesty, as its sovereign. The undersigned may 
refer the British plenipotentiaries to all the acts of their 
own government, relative to the subject, tor proof, 
that it has always considered this right of protection 
as one of the rights of sovereignty, which it needed 
no Indian treaty to confer, and which the abrogation 
of no Indian treaty could divest. They will particu- 
larly bring to their recollection, that when a similar 
proposition of considering Indian tribes as independ- 
ent nations, to serve as a barrier between the French 
and English territories, was made by France to 
England, it was immediately rejected, by a minister 
to whom the British nation is accustomed to look back 
with veneration, and rejected on the express ground, 
that the king would not renounce his right to pro- 
tection over the Indians within his dominions. But 
whatever the relation of the Indians to the U. States 
may be, and whether under their protection or not, 
G. Britain having by the treaty oi 1783, recognized 
the sovereignty of the U. States, and agreed to certain 
limits as their boundaries, has no right to consider 
any persons or communities, whether Indians or 
others, residing within those boundaries, as nations 
independent of the U. States, 



APPENDIX. i06 

The tJ. States claim, of right, with respect to all 
European nations, and particularly with respect to 
G. Britain, the entire sovereignty over the whole 
territory, and all the persons embraced within the 
boundaries of their dominions. G. Britain has no 
right to take cognizance of the relations subsisting 
between the several communities or persons living 
therein. They form as to her, only parts of the do- 
minions of the U. States, and it is altogether immate- 
rial, whether, or how far, under their political insti- 
tutions and policy, these communities or persons are 
independent states, allies, or subjects. With respect 
to her and all other foreign nations, they are parts of 
a whole, of which the U. States are the sole and ab- 
solute sovereigns. 

The allegation of the British plenipotentiaries, that 
it is inconsistent with the practice or principles of G. 
Britain to abandon in her negociations for peace, those 
who have co-operated with her in war, is not appli- 
cable to the Indians, but on the erroneous assumption 
of their independence, which, so far as she is concern- 
ed, has been fully disproved. And although no pow- 
er from these tribes to the British government to treat 
in their behalf, would, for the same reason be admit- 
ted by the undersigned, they may nevertheless ob- 
serve, that the British plenipotentiaries having produc- 
ed no such powers, having no authority to bind the 
Indians, to engage for their assent to the pacification, 
or to secure the continuance of peace on their part 
whilst speaking of them as allies, do really propose 
to treat for them not as if they were independent 
nations, but as if they were the subjects of G. Britain. 

The undersigned so far from asking that, in rela- 
tion to the Indians, G. Britain should pursue a course 
inconsistent with her former practice and principles, 
only desire that she would follow her own example re- 
spectingthem, in her former treaties with other Europe- 
an nations, and with the U. States. No provision for 
the Indians is found in the treaty of 1703, by which 
France ceded Canada to G. Britain, although almost 
allthe Indians living within the territory ceded, or 



404 APPENDIX. 

acknowledged to belong to G. Britain, had taken 
part with France in the war. No such provision was 
inserted in the treaty of peace of 1 783, between i • . Bri- 
tain and the U. States, although almost all the Indian 
tribes living within the territory recognized bv the 
treaty to belong to the U. States, had during the war, 
co-operated with G. Britain, and might have been 
considered as her allies more justly than on the pre- 
sent occasion. So far as concerns the relations be- 
tween G. Britain and the U. States, these Indians can 
be treated for only on the principles by which amnes- 
ties are stipulated in favor of disaffected persons, who, 
in times of war and invasion, co-operate with the en- 
emy of the nation to which they belong. To go as 
far as possible in securing the benefit of the peace to 
the Indians, now the only object professed by the 
British government in their present sine qua non, the 
undersigned offer a stipulation in general terms, that 
no person or persons, whether subjects, citizens, or 
Indians, residing within the dominions of either par- 
ty, shall be molested or annoyed, either in persons or 
their property, for any part they may have taken in 
the war between the U. States and G. Britain ; but 
shall retain all the rights, privileges and possessions, 
which they respectively had at the commencement of 
the war ; they, on their part, demeaning themselves 
peaceably, and conformably to their duties to the re- 
spective governments. — This the undersigned have 
no doubt will effectually secure to the Indians peace, 
if they themselves will observe it, and they will not 
suppose that G. Britain would wish them included in 
the peace but upon that condition. 

The undersigned have never intimated that their 
government had not furnished them with any instruc- 
tions since January last. On the contrary, they dis- 
tinctly told the British plenipotentiaries in confer- 
ence, though it appears to have escaped their recol- 
lect, on, that instructions had been received by the un- 
dersigned, dated at the close of the month of June. 
The undersigned will now add, that those instructions 
were drawn with a full knowledge oi the general pa- 



APPENDIX. 405 

cification in Europe, and with so liberal a considera- 
tion of its necessary bearing* upon all the differences 
that hud bee . until then subsisting between G. Bri- 
tain and the U. States, that the undersigned cannot 
doubt that peace would long since have been conclud- 
ed, had not an insuperable bar against it been raised 
by the new and unprecedented demands of the Bri- 
tish government. 

With respect to the proposition which the British 
plenipotentiaries inform them they will be prepared 
to make, in relation to the Canadian boundaries, 
which appears to them so entirely founded on princi- 
ples of moderation and justice, but the nature of which 
they think proper at present to withhold, the under- 
signed can only pledge themselves to meet any pro- 
position from the British plenipotentiaries, character- 
ized by moderation and justice, not only with a per- 
fect reciprocity of those sentiments, but with a sincere 
and earnest desire to contribute to the restoration of 
peace, by every compliance with the wishes of Great 
Britain, compatible with their duty to their country. 

The undersigned have the honor of tendering to 
the British plenipotentiaries, the renewed assurance 
of their hitjh consideration. 



JONA. RUSSELL, 
A. GALLATIN. 



J. a ADAMS, 
J. A. BAYARD, 
H. OLAY, 

The British to the American Commissioners. 



Ghent, Oct. 8, 1811. 

The undersigned have the honor to acknowledge 
the receipt of the note of the plenipotentiaries of the 
U. States, dated on the 29th ult. 

A* the continuance of the negociation exclusively 
depends upon the question relating to the pacifica- 
tion and rights of the Indian nations the undersigned 
are unwilling to extend their observations to the 
other subjects brought forward in the note of the 
American plenipotentiaries, further than may be 
required for necessary explanation. 

In adverting for this purpose to the acquisition of 
Louisiana, the undersigned must observe, that the 



£06 APPENDIX. 

instrument by which the consent of his Catholic ma- 
jesty is alledged to have been given to the cession of 
it, has never been made public. His Catholic ma- 
jesty was no party to the treaty by which the ces- 
sion was made, and if any sanction has been subse- 
quently obtained from him, it must have been, like 
other cotemparaneous acts of that monarch, involun- 
tary, and as such cannot alter the character of the 
transaction. The Marquis of Yrujo, the minister of 
his Catholic majesty at Washington, iu a letter ad- 
dressed to the President of the U. States, formally 
protested against the cession, and the right of France 
to make it. Yet, in the face of this protestation, so 
strongly evincing the decided opinion of Spain as 
to the illegality of the proceeding, the President of 
the U. States ratified the treaty. Can it be contend- 
ed that the annexation of Louisiana, under such cir- 
cumstances, did not mark a spirit of territorial ag- 
grandizement? 

His Britannic majesty did certainly express satis- 
faction when the American government communi- 
cated the event, that Louisiana, a valuable colony in 
the possession of France, with whom the war had 
just been renewed, instead of remaining in the hands 
of his enemy, had been ceded to the U. States, at 
that time professing the most friendly disposition to- 
wards G. Britain, and an intention of providing for 
her interest in the acquisition. But the conditions 
under which France had acquired Louisiana from 
Spain, were not communioted ; the refusal of Spain 
to consent to its alienation was not known ; the pro- 
test of her ambassador had not been made, and many 
other circumstances attending the transaction, on 
which it is now unnecessary to dilate, were, as there 
is good reason to believe, industriously concealed. 

The proof of a spirit of aggrandizement, which 
the undersigned had deduced from the hostile seiz- 
ure of a great part of the Floridas, under the most 
frivolous pretences, remains unrefuted; and the un- 
dersigned arc convinced that the occasion and cir- 
cumstances under which that unwarrantable act of 



APPENDIX. 407 

aggression took place, have given rise throng-bout 
Europe to but one sentiment as to the character ol the 
transaction. 

After the previous communication which the under- 
signed have had the honor of receiving from the 
American plenipotentiaries, they could not but feel 
much surprized at the information contained in their 
last note of their having received instructions dated 
subsequently to January, 1814. The undersigned 
have no recollection whatever of the American ple- 
nipotentiaries having communicated to them, either 
collectively, or individually at a conference or other- 
wise, the receipt of instructions from the govern- 
ment of the U. States dated at the close of the month 
of June, and they must remind the American pleni- 
potentiaries that their note of the 9th ult. distinctly 
stated that the instructions of January, 1814, were 
those under which they were acting. If therefore, 
the American plenipotentiaries received instructions 
drawn up at the close of the month of June, with a 
liberal consideration of the late events in Europe, the 
undersigned have a right to complain, that while the 
American government justly considered those events 
as having a necessary bearing on the existing differ- 
ences between the two countries, the American ple- 
nipotentiaries should nevertheless have preferred act- 
ing under instructions, which, from their date, must 
have been without the contemplation of such events. 

The British government never required that all that 
portion of the state of Massachusetts intervening be- 
tween the province of New Brunswick and Quebec, 
should be ceded to G. Britain, but only that small 
portion of unsettled country which interrupts the com- 
munication between Halifax and Quebec, there be- 
ing much doubt whether it does not already belong to 
G. Britain. 

The undersigned are at a loss to understand how- 
vice Admiral Cochrane' s proclamation illustrates anv 
topic connected with the present negotiation, or bears 
upon the conclusion which they contended was to be 
drawn from the two proclamations of the America* 



40» APPENDIX. 

Generals. These proclamations distinctly avow- 
ing the intention of the American government per- 
manently to annex the Canachis to the 17. States, were 
adduced not as a matter of complaint, but simply 
for the purpose of proving what had been denied as a 
fact, viz. that such had been the declared intention 
of the American government. 

The undersigned observe, that although the Ameri- 
can plenipotentiaries have taken upon themselves 
generally to deny that the proclamations were au- 
thorized or approved by their government, without 
stating in what mode that disapprobation was express- 
ed, yet they avoid stating that the part of those proc- 
lamations containing the declaration in question, had 
not been so authorized or approved. It is indeed 
impossible to imagine, that if the American govern- 
ment had intimated any disapprobation of that part of 
General Hull's proclamation, the s;»me declaration 
■would have been as confidently repeated four months 
after by General Smyth. 

His majesty's government have other and ample 
means of knowing that the conquest of the Canadas 
and their annexation to the U. States was the object 
and policy of the American government. For the 
present the undersigned will content themselves with 
referring to the remonstrance of the legislature of 
Massachusetts, in .lnne, J81-3, in which this inten- 
tion is announced as matter of notoriety. 

The undersigned deny that the American govern- 
ment had proved, or can prove, that previous to the 
declaration of war by the U. States, persons author- 
ized by the British government endeavored to exeite 
the Indian nations against the U. States, or that en- 
deavors of that knui, if made b\ private persons, 
(which the undersigned have no reason to believe) 
ever received the sanction of his majesty's govern- 
ment. 

The American plenipotentiaries have not denied 
that the Indian nations had been engaged in war with 
the U. States, before tiie war with G. Britain bad 
commenced, and they have reluctantly coniessed that 



APPENDIX 409 

«o far from his majesty having- induced the Indian 
nations to begin the war, as charged against Great- 
Britain in the notes of the 24th Aug. and 9th alt. the 
British government actually exerted their endeavors 
to dissuade the Indian nations from commencing it. 

As to the unworthy motive assigned by the Ameri- 
can plenipotentiaries to this interference so amicably 
made on the part of G. Britain, its utter improbability 
is sufficiently apparent from considering by which 
party the war was declared. The undersigned, there- 
fore, can only consider it as an additional indication 
of that hostile diposition which has led to the present 
unhappy war between the two countries. So long as 
that disposition continues, it cannot but render any 
effort on the part of G. Britain to terminate this con- 
test utterly unavailing. 

The American plenipotentiaries appear unprepar- 
ed to state the precise ground upon which they resist 
the right of his majesty to negociate with the CJnited 
States on behalf of the Indian nations, whose co-ope- 
ration in the war his majesty has found it expedient 
to accept. 

The treaty of Greenville, to the words, stipula 
tions, and spirit of which the undersigned have so 
frequently appealed, and all the treaties previously and 
subsequently made, between the U. States and the 
Indian nations, shew, beyond the possibility of doubt, 
that the U. States have been in the habit of treating 
with these tribes as independent nations, capable of 
maintaining the relations of peace and war, and ex- 
ercising territorial rights. 

If this be so, it will be difficult to point out the pe- 
culiar circumstances in the condition of those nations, 
which should either exclude them from a treaty of 
general pacification, or prevent G. Britain, with 
whom they have co-operated as allies in the war, 
from proposing stipulations in their behalf at the 
peace. Unless the American plenipotentiaries are 
prepared to maintain what they have in effect advanc- 
ed, that although the Indian nations may be indepen- 
52 



41Q • APPENDIX. 

dent in their relations with the U. States, yet the cir- 
cumstance of living within the boundary of the U. 
States disables them from forming' such conditions of 
alliance with a foreign power, as shall entitle that 
power to negociate for them in a treaty of peace. 

The principle upon which this proposition is found- 
ed, was advanced, but successfully resisted so far 
back as the treaty of Monster. An attempt was then 
made to preclude France from negociating in behalf 
of certain states and cities in Germany, who had co- 
operated with her in the war, because although those 
states and cities might be considered as independent 
for certain purposes, yet being- within the boundary of 
the German empire, they ought not to be allowed to 
become parties in the general pacification with the 
emperor of Germany, nor ought France to be per- 
mitted in that negotiation to mix their rights and in- 
terests with her own. 

The American plenipotentiaries, probably awaro 
that the notion of such a qualified independence, for 
certain purposes, and not for others, could not be 
maintained, either by argument or precedent, have 
been compelled to advance the novel and alarming 
pretension, that all the Indian nations living within 
the boundary of the United States, must in effect, be 
considered as their subjects, and, consequently, if 
engaged in war against the U. States, become liable 
to be treated as rebels, or disaffected persons. They 
have further stated, that all the territory which these 
Indian nations occupy, is -t the disposal of the United 
States, that the U. States have a right to dispossess 
them of it : to exercise that right, whenever their 
policy or interest may seem to them to require it : and 
to confine them to such spots as may be selected, 
not by Indian nations, but by the American govern- 
ment. Pretensions such as these G. Britain can nev- 
er recognize : however reluctant his royal highness, 
the Prince Regent may be to continue the war, that 
evil must be prefered, if peace can only be obtained 
on such conditions. 



APPENDIX. 4U 

To support those pretensions, and tit the same time 
to show, that the present conduct of Great-Britain is 
inconsistent with her former practice and principles, 
the American plenipotentiaries have referred to the 
treaty of peace of 1783, to that of 1763, and to the ne~ 
gociations of 1701, during the administration of a 
minister, whom the American plenipotentiaries have 
stated, and truly stated, to be high in the estimation 
of Ins country. 

The omissions to provide in the treaty of 1783, 
for the pacification of the Indian nations, Which were 
to be included within the proposed boundary of the 
U. States, cannot preclude G. Britain from now ne~ 
gociatmg in behalf of such tribes or nations, u .less it 
he assumed, that the occasional non-exercise of a 
right is an abandonment of it. Nor can the right of 
protection, which the American plenipotentiaries have 
failed in showing to have been ever claimed l>y Great 
Britain as incident to sovereignty, have been transfer- 
red by G. Britain to the U. States, by a treaty, to 
which the Indian nations were not parties. 

In the peace of 17b3, it was not necessary for G. 
Britain to treat for the pacification of the Indian na- 
tions, and the maintenance of their rights and privi- 
leges, because there had been noladian nations living 
without the British boundaries, who had co-operated 
with G. Britain, in the war against France. 

With respect to the negociations of 17CJ1, between 
G. Britain and France, on which the American pleni- 
potentiaries more particularly rely, they appear, in the 
judgment of the undersigned, to have much misun- 
derstood the whole course of that negociation. 

It is very true that the French government brought 
forward, at one period of the negociation, a proposi- 
tion, by which a certain territory, lying between the 
dominions of the two contracting parties, was to have 
been allotted to the Indian nations. — But it does not 
appear that this formed a part ot their ultimatum, and 
it is clear, that Mr. Pitt in his answer, did not object 
to the proposition. He objected indeed to the propos- 
ed line of demarkation between the countries belong- 



412 APPENDIX. 

ing to the two contracting parties, upon the two 
grounds : 1st. that the proposed northern line would 
have given to France, what the French had them- 
selves acknowledged to be part of Canada, the whole 
of which, as enjoyed by his most Christian majesty, it 
had been stipulated, was to be ceded entirely to G. 
Britain : 2dly, that the southern part of the proposed 
line of demarkation would have included within the 
boundary ot'Louisiana, the Cherokees, the Creeks, the 
Chickasaws, the Choctaws, and another nation, who 
occupied territories which had never been included 
within the boundaries of that settlement. So far was 
Mr. Pitt from rejecting, as alledged by the American 
plenipotentiaries, the proposition of considering In- 
dian nations a barrier,' that at one period of the ne- 
gociation he complained that there was no provision 
for such a barrier ; and he thus energetically urges 
his objections, in h?s letter to Mr. Stanley, the British 
plenipotentiary at Pans, dated on the 26th of June, 
1761 ; 'As to the fixation of new limits to Canada 
towards the Ohio, it is captious and insidious, thrown 
out in hope, if agreed to, to shorten thereby the ex- 
tent of Canada, and to lengthen the boundaries of 
Louisiana, and in the view to establish, what must 
not be admitted, namely, that all which is not Canada 
is Louisiana; whereby all the intermediate nations 
and countries, the true barrier to each province, would 
be given up to France.' 

The undersigned confidently expect, that the 
American plenipotentiaries will not again reproach 
the British government with acting inconsistently 
"with its former practice and principles, or repeat the 
assertion made in a former note, that a definition of 
Indian boundary, with a view to a neutral barrier, 
was a new and unprecedented demand by any Euro- 
pean power, and most of all by G. Britain ; the very 
instance selected bv the American plenipotentiaries, 
undeniably proves that such a proposition had been 
entertained both by G. Britain and France, and that 
Mr. Pitt on the part of G. Britain had more parti cu- 
farly enforced it. 



APPENDIX. 413 

It remains only lo notice two objections which the 
American plenipotentiaries have urged against the 
proposal of Indian pacification, advanced by the un- 
dersigned ; first, that it is not reciprocal : secondly, 
that as the United States could have no security that 
the Indian nations would conclude a peace on the 
terms proposed, the proposition would be in effect 
uui lateral. 

The article now proposed by the undersigned, and 
herewith enclosed, is free from both objections, and 
appears to them so characterised by a spirit of mod- 
eration and peace, that they earnestly anticipate the 
concurrence of the American plenipotentiaries. 

In making a last effort in this stage of the war, the 
undersigned are not apprehensive that the motives 
which have influenced his royal highness, the Prince 
Regent to direct a renewal of the proposition, with its 
present modifications, can be misunderstood or mis- 
represented. 

Whatever may be the result of the proposition thus 
offered, the undersigned deliver it as their ultimatum, 
and now await with anxiety the answer of the Amer- 
ican plenipotentiaries, on which their continuance in 
this place will depend. 

The undersigned avail themselves of this oppor. 
tunity of renewing to the American plenipotentiaries, 
the assurance of their high consideration. 

GAMBIER, 

HENKY GOULBUKN. 
WILLIAM ADAMS. 

i( The U. States of 'America engage to put an enl y 
immediately after the ratification of the present treaty, 
to hostilities, with all the tribes or nations of Indians 
with whom they may be at war, at the time of such 
ratification, and forthwith to restore to such tribes or 
nations, respectively, all the possessions, rights and 
privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been en- 
titled to in 1811, previous to such hostilities : provid- 
ed always, that such tribes or nations shall agree to 
desist from all hostilities against the United States of 



414 APPENDIX, 

America, their citizens and subjects, upon the ratifi- 
cation of the present treaty being notified to such 
tribes or nations, and shall so desist accordingly. 

" And his Britannic majesty engages, on his part, 
to put an end, immediately after the ratification of the 
present treaty, to hostilities, with all the tribes or na- 
tions of Indians with whom he may be at war, at the 
time of such ratification, and forthwith to restore to 
such tribes or nations respectively, ali the possessions^ 
rights and privileges, which they may have enjoyed 
or been entitled to in 1811, previous to such hostili- 
ties: provided always, that such tribes or nations 
shall agree to desist from all hostilities against his 
Britannic majesty and his subjects, upon the ratifica- 
tion of tiie present treaty being notified to such tribes 
or nations, and shall so desist accordingly." 

From the American to the British Commissioners, 
Ghlnt, October 13, 1814. 

The undersigned have the honor to acknowledge 
the receipt of the note of the plenipotentiaries of his 
Britannic majesty, dated on the 8th instant. 

Satisfied of the impossibility of persuading the 
world that the government of the U. States was liable 
k> any well founded imputation of a spirit of con- 
quest or of injustice towards other nations, the under- 
signed, in affording explanations on several of the 
topics adverted to by the British plenipotentiaries dur- 
ing this negociation, were actuated by the sole mo- 
tive ot removing erroneous impressions. 

Still influenced by the same motive, they will now 
add, that at the time when the Spanish minister was 
remonstrating at Washington against the transfer of 
Louisiana, orders were given by his government for 
its delivery to France : that it was, in fact, delivered 
a short time after that remonstrance ; and that if the 
treaty by which the U. States acquired it had not been 
ratified, would have become, of course, a French col- 
ony. The undersigued believe that the evidence of 
the assent of Spam to that transfer has been promul- 
gated. They neither admit the alledged disability of 



APPENDIX. 415 

the Spanish monarch, nor the inference which the 
British plenipotentiaries would seem to deduce from 
it ; on the contrary, the assent was voluntarily given 
in the year 1804, by the same king who, about the 
same time, ceded Trinidad to G. Britain, and prior 
to the time when he was again engaged in war with 
her. The cession by France was immediately com- 
municated to G. Britain, no circumstance affecting it, 
and then within the knowledge of the U. States, be- 
ing intentionally concealed from her. She express- 
ed her satisfaction with it; and if in any possible 
state of the case she would have had a right to ques- 
tion the transaction, it does not appear to the under- 
signed that she is now authorised to do so. 

After stating, generally, that the proclamations of 
Generals Hull and Smyth were neither authorised nor 
approved by their government, the undersigned could 
not have expected that the British plenipotentiaries 
would suppose that their statement did not embrace 
the only part of the proclamations which was a sub- 
ject of consideration. 

The undersigned had, indeed, hoped, that, by 
stating in their note of the 9th ultimo, that the gov- 
ernment of the U. States, from the commencement 
of the war, had been disposed to make peace without 
obtaining any cession of territory, and by referring 
to their knowledge of that disposition, and to instruc- 
tions accordingly given from July, 1812, to January, 
1814, they would effectually remove the impression 
that the annexation of Canada to the U. States was 
the declared object of their government. Not only- 
have the undersigned been disappointed in this ex- 
pectation, but the only inference which the British 
plenipotentiaries have thought proper to draw from 
this explicit statement, has been, that either the 
American government, by not giving instructions 
subsequent to the pacification of Europe, or the un- 
dersigned, by not acting under such instructions, gave 
no proof of a sincere desire to bring the present ne- 
gotiations to a favorable conclusion. The undersign- 
ed did not allude, in reference to the alledgod lnten- 



410 APPENDIX. 

tion to annex Canada to the U. States, to any instruc- 
tions given by their government subsequently to Jan- 
uary last, because, asking at this time for an accession 
of territory, it was only of its previous disposition that 
it appeared necessary to produce any proof. So er- 
roneous was the inference drawn by the British ple- 
nipotentiaries, in both respects, that it was in virtue of 
the instructions of June last, that the undersigned 
were enabled, in their note of the 24th of August, to 
state, that the causes of the war between the U. States 
and G. Britain, having disappeared, by the maritime 
pacification of Europe, they had been authorised to 
agree to its termination upon a mutual restoration of 
territory, and without making the conclusion of peace 
to depend on a successful arrangement of those points 
on which differences had existed. 

Considering the present state of the negociation, 
the undersigned will abstain, at this time from addu- 
cing any evidence or remarks upon the influence 
which has been exerted over the Indian tribes inhab- 
iting the territories of the U. States, and the nature of 
those excitements which had been employed by Bri- 
tish traders and agents. 

The arguments and facts already brought forward 
by the undersigned, respecting the political condition 
of those tribes, render it unnecessary for them to make 
many observations on those of the British plenipoten- 
tiaries on that subject. The treaties of 1763, and 
1783, were those principally alluded to by the un- 
dersigned, to illustrate the practice of G. Britain. 
She did not admit in the first, nor require in the last, 
any stipulations respecting the Indians who, in one 
case, had been her enemies, and in the other, her al- 
lies, and who, in both instances, fell by the peace with- 
in the dominions of that power against whom they had 
been engaged in the preceding war. 

The negociation of 17(31 was quoted for the pur- 
pose of proving, what appears to be fully established! 
-by the answer of England to the ultimatum of France 
delivered on the first of September of that year, that 
his Britannic majesty would not renounce his right oi 



APPENDIX. 417 

protection over the Indian nations reputed to be with- 
in his dominions, that is to say, between the British 
settlements and the Mississippi. Mr. Pitt's letter, 
cited by the British plenipotentiaries, far from contra- 
dicting- that position, goes still further. It states that 
'the fixation of the new limits to Canada, as propos- 
ed by France, is intended to shorten the extent of 
Canada, which was to be ceded to England, and to 
lengthen the boundaries of Louisiana, which France 
was to keep, and in the view to establish what must 
not be admitted, namely, that all which is not Canada 
is Louisiana, whereby all the intermediate nations 
and countries, the true barrier to each province, would 
be given up to France.' This is precisely the princi- 
ple uniformly supported by the undersigned, to wit, 
that the recognition of a boundary gives up to the 
nation, in whose behalf it is made, all the Indian 
tribes and countries within that boundary. It was on 
this principle that the undersigned have confidently 
relied on the treaty of 1783, what fixes and recognis- 
es the boundary of the U. States, without making any 
reservation respecting Indian tribes. 

But the British plenipotentiaries, unable to produce 
a solitary precedent of one European power treating* 
for the savages inhabiting within the dominions of 
another, have been compelled, in support of their 
principle, to refer to the German empire, a body con- 
sisting of several independent states, recognized as 
such by the whole world, and separately maintaining* 
with foreign powers the relations belonging to such 
a condition. Can it be necessary to prove that there 
is no sort of analogy between the political situation of 
these civilized communitities, and that of the wan- 
dering; tribes of North American savages? 

In referring to what the British plenipotentiaries 
represent as alarming and novel pretensions, what 
G. Britain can never recognize, the undersigned 
might complain that these alledged pretensions have 
not been stated, either in terms or in substance, as ex- 
pressed by themselves. This, however, is the less 
53 



418 APPENDIX. 

material, as any further recognition of them hy G. 
Britain is not necessary nor required. On the other 
hand, they can never admit nor recognize the princi- 
ples or pretensions asserted in the course of this cor- 
respondence by the British plenipotentiaries, and 
which, to them, appear novel and alarming. 

The article proposed by the British plenipotentia- 
ries, in their last note, not including the Indian tribes 
as parties in the peace, and leaving the U. States free 
to effect its object in the mode consonant with the re- 
lations which they have constantly maintained with 
those tribes, partaking also of the nature of an amnesty, 
and being at the same time reciprocal, is not liable 
to that objection ; and accords with the views uni- 
formly professed by the undersigned, of placing 
these tribes. precisely, and in every respect, in the 
same situation as that in which they stood before the 
commencement of hostilities. This article, thus pro- 
posing only what the undersigned have so often as- 
sured the British plenipotentiaries would necessarily 
follow, if indeed it has not already, as is highly prob- 
able, preceded a peace between G. Britain and the 
United States. The undersigned agree to admit it, 
in substance, as a provisional article, subject, in the 
manner originally proposed by the British govern- 
ment, to the approbation or rejection of the govern- 
ment of the U. States, which, having given no in- 
structions to the undersigned on this point, cannot be 
bound by any article they may admit on the subject. 

It will, of course, be understood, that if, unhappily 
peace should not be the result of the present negocia- 
tion, the article thus conditionally agreed to shall be 
of no effect, and shall not, in any future negociation, 
be brought forward by either party, by May of argu- 
ment or precedent. 

This article having been presented as an indispen- 
sable preliminary, and being now accepted, the un- 
dersigned request the British plenipotentiaries to com- 
municate to them the project of a treaty embracing 
all the points deemed material by G. Britain ; the un- 
dersigned engaging on their part to deliver immedi- 



APPENDIX. 419 

ately after, a counter project with respect to all the 
articles to which they may not agree, and on the sub- 
jects deemed material by the U. States, and, which 
may be omitted in the British project. 



J. a ADAMS, 
J. A. BAYARD, 
H. CLAY, 



JONA. RUSSELL. 
A. GALLATIN. 



The British to the American Commissioners. 
Ghent, October 21, 1814. 

The undersigned have had the honor of receiving 
ihe note of the American plenipotentiaries of the 13th 
inst. communicating their acceptance of the article 
which the undersigned had proposed on the subject 
of the pacification and rights of the Indian nations. 

The undersigned are happy in being thus relieved 
from the necessity of recurring to several topics, 
which though they arose in the course of their discus- 
sions, have only an incidental connection with the 
difference remaining to be adjusted between the two 
countries. 

With a view to this adjustment the undersigned 
prefering in the present state of the negociation a 
general statement of the formal arrangement of arti- 
cles, are willing so far to comply with the request of the 
American plenipotentiaries containedin their last note, 
as to wave the advantages to which they think they 
were fairly entitled, of requiring from them the first 
project of a treaty. 

The undersigned having stated at the first confer- 
ence the points upon which his majesty's government 
considered the discussions between the two countries 
as likely to turn, cannot better satisfy the request of 
the American plenipotentiaries than by referring 
them to that conference for a statement of the points 
which, in the opinion of his majesty's government yet 
remains to be adjusted. 

With respect to the forcible seizure of mariners 
from on board merchant vessels on the high seas, and 
the right of the king of G. Britain to the allegiance of 
all his subjects, and with respect to the maritime 



420 APPENDIX. 

rights of the British empire the undersigned conceive, 
that after the pretentions asserted by the government 
of the U. States, a more satisfactory proof of the 
conciliatory spirit of his Majesty's government cannot 
be given than not requiring any stipulation on those 
subjects, which though most important in themselves, 
no longer in consequence of the maritime pacifica- 
tion of Europe, produce the same practical results. 

On the subject of the fisheries the undersigned ex- 
pressed with so much frankness at the conference al- 
ready refered to, the views of their government, that 
they consider any further observations on that topic 
as unnecessary at the present time. 

On the question of the boundary between the do- 
minions of his majesty and those of the U. States, 
the undersigned are led to expect from the discus- 
sion which this subject has already undergone, that 
the north west boundary from the lake of the Woods 
to the Mississippi, the intended arrangement of 1803, 
will be admitted without objection. 

In regard to other boundaries the American pleni- 
potentiaries in their note of August 24th, appeared in 
some measure to object to the j impositions then made 
by the undersigned as the basis of uti possidetis. 
The undersigned are willing to treat on that basis, 
subject to such modifications as mutual convenience 
may be found to require, and they trust that the 
American plenipotentiaries will shew by their ready 
acceptance of this basis, that they duly appreciate the 
moderation of his majesty's government in so far con- 
sulting the honor and fair t, intensions of the U. States 
as in the relative situation of the two countries, to 
authorise such a proposition. 

The undersigned avail themselves of this opportu- 
nity to renew to the American plenipotentiaries, the 
assurance of their high considertion. 

GAMBIEB, 

HENRY GOULBUm 
WILLIAM ADAMS. 



APPENDIX. 121 

The American to the British Commissioners. 
Ghent, October 24, 1811 

The undersigned have the honor to acknowledge 
the receipt of the note of the British plenipotentiaries 
of the 21st inst. 

Amongst the general observations which the un- 
dersigned, in their note of the 24th Aug. made on the 
propositions then brought forward on the part of the 
British government, they remarked that those proposi- 
tions were founded neither on the basis of uti posside- 
tis, nor on that ot status ante helium. But so far were 
they from suggesting the uti possidetis as the basis on 
which they were disposed to treat, that in the same note 
they expressly stated that they had been instructed to 
conclude a peace on the principles of both parties re- 
storing whatever territory they might have taken. 
The undersigned also declared in that note, that they 
had no authority to cede any part of the territory of 
the U. States, and that to no stipulation to that effect 
would they subscribe ; and in the note of the 9th Sept. 
after having shewn that the basis of uti possidetis, such 
as was known to exist at the commencement of the 
negociation, gave no claim to his Britannic majesty 
to cession of territory founded upon the right of con- 
quest, they added that even if the chances of war 
should give to the British arms a momentary posses- 
sion of other parts of the territory of the U. States, 
such events would not alter their views with regard 
to the terms of peace to which they would give their 
consent. 

The undersigned can now only repeat those de- 
clarations and decline treating upon the basis of uti 
possidetis, or upon any other principle involving a 
cession of any part of the territory of the U. States. 
As they have uniformly stated, they can treat only 
upon the principle of mutual restoration of whatever* 
territory may have been taken by either party. From 
this principle they cannot recede, and the undersign- 
ed after the repeated declarations of the British Ple- 
nipotentiaries, that G. Britain had no view to acqui- 
sition of territory, in this negociation, deem it neces- 



422 APPENDIX. 

sary to add, that the utility of its continuance depends 
on their adherence to this principle. 

The undersigned having* declared in their note of 
the 21st of Aug-, that although instructed and prepar- 
ed to enter into an amicable discussion of all the 
points, on which differences or uncertainty had ex- 
isted, and which might hereafter tend to interrupt 
the harmony of the two countries, they would not 
make the conclusion of the peace at all depend upon 
a sucessful result of the discussion, and having since 
agreed to the preliminary article proposed by the 
British government, had believed that the negocia- 
tion already so long protracted, could not be brought 
to an early conclusion, otherwise than by the commu- 
nication of a project embracing all the other specific 
propositions which G. Britain intended to offer. 
They repeat their request in that respect and will 
have no objection to a simultaneous exchange of the 
projects of both parties. This course will bring fair- 
ly into discussion the other topics embraced in the 
last note of the British plenipotentiaries, to which the 
undersigned have thought it necessary to advert at the 
present time. 

The undersigned renew to the British plenipoten- 
tiaries the assurance of their high consideration. 



J. Q. ADAMS, 
J. A. BAYARD, 
H. CLAY, 



JONATHAN RUSSELL, 
ALBERT GALLATIN. 



The British to the American Commissioners 
Ghent, Oct. 31st, 1814. 

The undersigned have the honor to acknowledge 
the receipt of the note addressed to them by the Amer- 
ican plenipotentiaries on the 24th inst. in which they 
object to the basis of uti possidetis proposed by the un- 
dersigned as that on which they are willing to treat in 
regard to part of the boundaries between the do- 
minions of his Majesty and those of the U. States. 

The American plenipotentiaries in their note of the 
13lh inst. requested the undersigned to communicate 
to them the project of a treaty embracing all the 






APPENDIX. 423 

points insisted on by G.Britain, engaging on their 
part to deliver immediately after a contre project as to 
all the articles to which they might not agree, and as 
to all the subjects deemed material by the U. States, 
and omitted in the project of the undersigned. 

The undersigned were accordingly instructed to 
wave the question of etiquette and the advantage 
which might result from receiving the first commu- 
nication, and, confiding in the engagement of the 
American plenipotentiaries, communicated in their 
note of the 21st inst. all the points upon which they 
are instructed to insist. 

The American plenipotentiarieshave objected to one 
essential part of the project thus communicated : but 
before the undersigned can enter into the discussion on 
this objection, they must require from the American 
plenipotentiaries that, pursuant to their engagement, 
they will deliver a contre project containing all their 
objections to the points submitted by the undersigned 
together with a statement of such further points as 
the government of the U. States consider to be ma- 
terial. 

The undersigned are authorized to state distinctly, 
that the article as to the pacification and rights of the In- 
dian nations having been accepted, they have brought 
forward in their note of the 21st inst. all the proposi- 
tions they have to offer. They have no farther de- 
mands to make, no other stipulations on which they 
are instructed to insist, and they are empowered to 
sign a treaty of peace forthwith in conformity with 
those stated in their former note. 

The undersigned trust therefore that the American 
plenipotentiaries will no longer hesitate to bring for- 
ward in the form of articles or otherwise, as they may 
prefer, those specific propositions upon which they 
are empowered to sign a treaty of peace between the 
t.wo countries, 

GAMBTER, 

HENRY GOULBURN, 

W. ADAMS 



424 APPENDIX. 

TREATY OF PEACE. 
JAMES MADISON, 

PRESIDENT OF THIS UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

To all and singular to whom these presents shall come. 
Greeting : 
WHEREAS a treaty of peace and amity between 

the United States of America, and his Britannic ma- 
jesty was signed at Ghent, on the twenty-fourth day 
of December, one thousand eight hundred and four- 
teen, by the plenipotentiaries respectively appointed 
for that purpose ; and the said treaty having been, by 
and with the advice and consent of the senate of the 
United States, duly accepted, ratified, and confirmed, 
on the seventeenth day of February, one thousand 
eight hundred and fifteen ; and ratified copies thereof 
having been exchanged agreeably to the tenor of the 
said treaty, which is in the words following, to wit : 

Treaty of peace and amity between his Britannic 

Majesty and the United States of America. 
His Britannic majesty and the United States of 
America, desirous of terminating the war which has 
unhappily subsisted between the two countries, and 
of restoring, upon principles of perfect reciprocity, 
peace, friendship, and good understanding between 
them, have, for that purpose, appointed their respec- 
tive plenipotentiaries, that is to say : his Britannic 
majesty, on his part, has appointed the right honorable 
James lord Gambicr, late Admiral of the white, now 
Admiral of the red squadron of his majesty's fleet, 
Henry Goidburn, Esquire, a member of the imperial 
parliament and under secretary of stale, and William. 
Adams, Esquire, doctor of civil laws : — and the Pre- 
sident of the United States, by and with the advice 
and consent of the senate thereof, has appointed John. 
Quincy Adams, James A. Bayard, Henry Clay, 
Jonathan Russell, and Albert Gallatin, citizens of 
the United States, who, after a reciprocal communi- 
cation of their respective full powers, have agreed up- 
on the following articles ! 



APPENDIX. 425 

ARTICLE THE FIRST. 

There shall be a firm and universal peace between 
kis Britannic majesty and the United States, and be- 
tween their respective countries, territories, cities, 
towns, and people, of every degree, without exception 
of places or persons. All hostilities, both by sea and 
land, shall cease as soon as this treaty shall have been 
ratified by both parties, as hereinafter mentioned. 
All territory, places and possessions whatsoever, taken 
from either party by the other, during the war, or 
which may be taken after the signing" of this treaty, 
excepting only the islands hereinafter mentioned, shall 
be restored without delay, and without causing any 
destruction, or carrying away any of the artillery or 
other public property originally captured in the said 
forts or places, and which shall remain therein upon 
the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, or anj' 
slaves or other private property; And all archives, 
records, deeds, and papers, either of a public nature, 
or belonging to private persons, which, in the course 
of the war, may have fallen into the hands of the offi- 
cers of either party, shall be, as far as may be prac- 
ticable, forthwith restored and delivered to the prop- 
er authorities and persons to whom they respectively 
belong. Such of the islands in the bay of Pas- 
samaquaddy as are claimed by both parties, shall 
remain in the possession of the party in whose occu- 
pation they may be at the time of the exchange of 
the ratifications of this treaty, until the decision res- 
pecting the title to the said islands shall have been 
made in conformity with the fourth article of this 
treaty. No disposition made by this treaty, as to 
such possession of the islands and territories claimed, 
by both parties, shall, in any manner whatever, be 
construed to affect the right of either. 

ARTICLE THE SECOND. 

Immediately after the ratifications of this treaty by 

both parties, as hereinafter mentioned, orders shall 

be sent to the armies, squadrons, officers, subjects 

And citizens, of the two powers to cease from all hos- 

54 



426' APPENDIX, 

tilities : and to prevent all causes of complaint which 
might arise on account of the prizes which may he 
taken at sea after the said ratifications of this treaty, 
it is reciprocally agreed, that all vessels and effects 
which may be taken after the space of twelve days 
from the said ratifications, upon all parts of the coast 
of North America, from the latitude of twenty-three 
degrees north, to the latitude of fifty degrees north, 
and as far eastward in the Atlantic ocean, as the 
thirty-sixth degree of west longitude from the meridi- 
an of Greenwich, shall be restored to each side. 
That the time shall be thirty days in all other parts 
of the Atlantic ocean, north of the equinoctial line or 
equator, and the same time for the British and Irish 
channels, for the Gulf of Mexico and all parts of the 
West-Indies ; forty days for the North seas, for the 
Baltic, and for all parts of the Mediterranean ; sixty 
days for the Atlantic ocean south of the equator as 
far as the latitude of the Cape of Good Hope; ninety 
days for every part of the world south of the equator ; 
and one hundred and twenty days for all other parts 
of the world, without exception. 

ARTICLE THE THIRD. 

AH prisoners of war taken on either side, as well 
by land as by sea, shall be restored as soon as prac- 
ticable after the ratification of this treaty, as herein- 
after mentioned, on their paying the debts which they 
may have contracted during their captivity. The 
two contracting parties respectively engage to dis- 
charge in specie, the advances which may have been 
made by the other for the sustenance and mainten- 
ance of such prisoners. 

ARTICLE THE FOURTH. 

Whereas it was stipulated by the second article in 
the treaty of peace, of one thousand seven hundred 
and eighty-three, between his Britannic' majesty and 
the United States of America, that the boundary of 
the United btates should comprehend all islands, 
within twenty leagues of any part of the shores of the 
United States, and lying between lines to be drawn 
due east from the points where Uie aforesaid bounda- 



APPENDIX, 427 

ries, between Nova Scotia, on the one part, and East 
Florida on the other, shall respectively touch the Bay 
of Funday, and the Atlantic ocean, excepting such 
islands as now are, or heretofore have been, within 
the limits of Nova Scotia; and whereas the several 
islands in the Bay or" Passamaquoddy, which is part 
of the Bay of Fundy, and the island of Grand Menan. 
in the said Bay of Fundy, are claimed by the United 
States as being comprehended within their aforesaid 
boundaries, winch said islands are claimed as belong- 
ing to his Britannic majesty, as having been at the 
time of, and previous to, the aforesaid treaty of one 
thousand seven hundred and eighty-three within the 
limits of the province of Nova Scotia : in order, there- 
fore, finally to decide upon these claims, it is agreed 
that they shall be referred to two commissioners, to 
be appointed in the following manner, viz. one com- 
missioner shall be appointed by his Britannic majes- 
ty, and one by the President of the United States, by 
and with the advice and consent of the senate thereof, 
and the said two commissioners so appointed shall 
be sworn impartially to examine and decide upon the 
stud claims according to such evidence as shall be 
laid before them on tbe part of his Britannic majesty 
and of the United States respectively. The said 
commissioners shall meet at St. Andrews, in the pro- 
vince of New Brunswick, and shall have power to ad- 
journ to such other place or places as they shall think 
fit. Tiie said commissioners shall, by a declaration 
or report under their hands and seals, decide to which 
ofthetwocontracting parties the several islands afore- 
said do respectively belong, in conformity with the true 
intent of the said treaty of peace of one thousand seven 
hundred and eighty-three. And if the said commis- 
sioners shall agree in their decision, both parties 
shall consider such decision as final and conclusive. 
It is further agreed, that in the event of the two. com- 
missioners differing upon all or any of the matters 
so referred to them, or in the event of both or either 
of the said commissioners refusing or declining, or 
wilfully omitting to act as such, they shall make. 



428 APPENDIX. 

jointly or separately, a report or reports, as well to 
the government of his Britannic majesty as to that of 
the United States, stating in detail the points on 
which they differ, and the grounds upon which their 
respective opinions have been formed, or the grounds 
upon which they, or either of them, have so refused, 
declined, or omitted to act. And his Britannic ma- 
jesty, and the government of the United States here- 
by agree to refer the report or reports of the said com- 
missioners, to some friendly sovereign or state, to be 
then named for that purpose, and who shall be re- 
quested to decide on the differences which may be 
stated in the said report or reports, or upon the report 
of one commissioner, together with the grounds upon 
which the other commissioner shall have refused, de- 
clined, or omitted to act as the case may be. 
And if the commissioners so refusing, declining, 
qr omitting to act, shall also wilfully omit to 
state the grounds upon which he has so done, in such 
manner that the said statement may be referred to 
such friendly sovereign or state, together with the re- 
port of such other commissioner, then such sovereign 
or state shall decide ex parte upon the said report 
alone. And his Britannic majesty and the govern- 
ment of the United States en^a^e to consider the de- 
cision of some friendly sovereign or state to be such 
and conclusive on all the matters so referred. 

ARTICLE THE FIFTH. 

Whereas neither that point of the highlands lying 
due north from the source of the river K\ Croix, and 
designated in the former treaty of peace between the 
two powers as the northwest angle of Nova Scotia, 
now the north-westernmost head of Connecticut riv- 
er has not been ascertained ; and whereas that part 
of the boundary line between the dominion of the 
two powers which extends from the source of the 
river St. Croix directly north to the abovementioned 
north-west angle of Nova Scotia, thence along the 
said highlands which divide those rivers that empty 
themselves into the river St. Lawrence from those 
which fall into the Atlantic ocean to the north-west- 



APPENDIX. 420 

ernmost head of Connecticut river, thence down 
along the middle of the river to Ihe forty-fifth degree 
of north latitude ; thence by a line due west on said 
latitude until it strikes the river Iroquois or Gatarag- 
ny, has not yet been surveyed : — It is agreed that for 
those several purposes two commissioners shall be ap- 
pointed, sworn and authorised, to act exactly in the 
manner directed with respect to those mentioned in 
the next preceding article, unless otherwise specified 
in the present article. The said commissioners shall 
meet at St. Andrews, in the province of New Bruns- 
wick, and shall have power to adjourn to such other 
place or places as they shall think fit. The said com- 
missioners shall have power to ascertain and deter- 
mine the points abovementioned, in conformity with 
the provisions of the said treaty of peace of one thou- 
sand seven hundred and eighty-three, and shall cause 
the boundary aforesaid, from the source of the river 
St. Croix to the river Iroquois or Cataragny, to be 
surveyed and marked according to the said provisions. 
The said commissioners shall make a map of the said 
boundary, and annex to it a declaration under their 
hands and seals, certifying it to be the true map of 
the said boundary, and particularizing the latitude 
and longitude of the north-west angle of Nova Sco- 
tia, of the north-westernmost head of Connecticut 
river, and of such other points of the same boundary 
as they may deem proper. And both parties agree 
to consider such map and declaration as finally and 
conclusively fixing the said boundary. And in the 
event of the said two commissioners differing, or both, 
or either of them, refusing or declining, or wilfully 
omitting to act, such reports, declarations, or state- 
ments, shall be made by them, or either of them, and 
such reference to a friendly sovereign or state, shall 
be made, in all respects as in the latter part of the 
fourth article is contained, and in asfuil a manner as 
if the same was herein repeated. 

ARTICLE THE SIXTH. 

Whereas, by the former treaty of peace that por- 
tion *of the boundary of the United States from the 



430 APPENDIX. 

point where the forty fifth degree of north latitude 
strikes the river Iroquois or Cataragny to the lake 
Superior, was declared to be 'along- the middle of 
said river into lake Ontario, through the middle of 
said lake until it strikes the communication by water 
between that lake and lake Erie, thence along- the 
middle of said communication into lake Erie, through 
the middle of said lake until it arrives at the water 
communication into the lake Huron, thence through 
the middle of said lake to the water communication 
between that lake and lake Superior'. And whereas 
doubts have arisen what was the middle of said river, 
lakes, and water communications, and whether cer- 
tain islands lying in the same were within the domin- 
ions of his Britannic majesty or ot the United States : 
in order, therefore, finally to decide these doubts, they 
shall be referred to two commissioners, to be appoint- 
ed, sworn, and authorised to act exactly in the man- 
ner directed with respect to those mentioned in the 
next preceding article, unless otherwise specified in 
this present article. The said commissioners shall 
meet, in the first instance, at Albany, in the state of 
New-York, and shall have power to adjourn to such 
other place or places as they shall think fit. The 
said commissioners shall by a report or declaration, 
under their hands and seals, designate the boundary 
through the said river, lakes, and water communica- 
tions, and decide to which of the two contracting par- 
ties the several islands lying within the said river, 
lakes, and water communications, do respectively 
belong, in conformity with the true intent ot the said 
treaty of one thousand seven hundred and eighty- 
three. And both parties agree to consider such de- 
signation and decision as final and conclusive. And 
in the event of the said two commissioners differing, 
or both, or either of them, refusing, declining, or wil- 
fully omitting to act, such reports, declarations or 
statements, shall be made by them, or either of them, 
and such reference to a friendly sovereign or state 
shall be made in all respects as in the latter part of 
the fourth article is contained, and in as full a manner 
as if the same was herein repeated. 



APPENDIX. 431 

ARTICLE THE SEVENTH. 
It is further agreed that the said two last mention- 
ed commissioners, after they shall have executed the 
duties assigned to them in the preceding- article, shall 
be, and they are hereby authorised, upon their oaths 
impartially to fix and determine, according to the 
true intent of the said treaty of peace, of one thousand 
seven hundred and eighty-three, that parj; of the boun- 
dary between the dominions of the two powers, which 
extends from the water communication between lake 
Huron and lake Superior, to the most north-western 
point of the lake of the Woods, to decide to which of 
the two parties the several islands lying in the lakes, 
water communications, and rivers, forming the said 
boundary, do respectively belong, in conformity with 
the true intent of the said treaty of peace, of one 
thousand seven hundred and eighty-three ; and to 
cause such parts of the said boundary, as require it, 
to be surveyed and marked. The said commission- 
ers shall, by a report or declaration under their hands 
and seals, designate the boundary aforesaid, state / 
their decision on thdfpoints thus referred to them, and VC. 
particularise the latitude and longitude of the most 
north-western point of the lake of the Woods, and of 
such other parts of the said boundary as they may 
deem proper. And both parties agree to consider 
such designation and decision as final and conclusive. 
And in the event of the said two commissioners dif- 
fering, or both, or either of them refusing, declining, 
or wilfully omitting to act, such reports, declarations. 
or statements, shall be made by them, or either of 
them, and such reference to a friendly sovereign or 
state, shall be made in all respects, as in the latter 
part of the fourth article is contained, and in as full 
a manner as if the same was herein repeated. 

ARTICLE THE EIGHTH. 

The several boards of two commissioners mention- 
ed in the four preceeding articles, shall respectively 
have power to appoint a secretary, and to employ such 
surveyors or other persons as they shall judge neces- 
sary, Duplicates of all their respective reports, de- 



432 APPENDIX. 

durations, statements, and descisions, and of their ac- 
counts, and of the journal of their proceeding's, shall be 
delivered b\ them to the agents of his Britannic majesty, 
and to the agents of the U. States who may be respect- 
ively appointed and authorised to manage the business 
on behalf of their respective governments. The said 
commissioners shall be respectively paid in such man- 
ner as shall be agreed between the two contracting 
parties, such agreement being to be settled at the time 
of the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty. — And 
all other expences attending the said commissioners 
shall be defrayed equally by the two parties. And in 
the case of death, sickness, resignation, or necessary 
absence, the place of every such commissioner re- 
spectively shall be supplied in ihe same manner as such 
commissioner was first appointed, and the new com- 
missioner shall take the same oath or affirmation, and 
do the same duties. It is further agreed between the 
two contracting parties, that in case any of the Islands 
mentioned in any of the preceding articles, which were 
in the possession of one of the parties prior to the com- 
mencement of the present war between the two coun- 
tries, should by the decision of any of the boards of com- 
missioners aforesaid, or of the sovereign or state so re- 
ferred to as in the four next preceding articles con- 
tained, fall within the dominions of the other party, 
all grants of land made previous to the commence- 
ment of the war by the party having had such posses- 
sion, shall be as valid as if such Island or Islands, 
had by such decision or decisions, been adjudged to 
be within the dominions of the party having had 
such possession. 

ARTICLE THE NINTH. 

The U. States of America engage to put an end 
immediately after the ratification ol the present treaty 
to hostilities with all the tribes or nations of Indians, 
with whom tiiev may be at war at the time ot such 
ratification ; and forthwith to restore to such tribes or 
nations, respectively, all the possessions, rights and 
privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been en- 
titled to in one thousand eight hundred and eleven 



APPENDIX. 43o 

previous to such hostilities : Provided always, that 
such tribes or nations shall agree to desist from all 
hostilities, against the United States of America, their 
citizens and subjects, upon the ratification of the pre- 
sent treaty being" notified to such tribes or nations, and 
shall so desist accordingly. And his Britannic Ma- 
jesty engages, on his part to put an end immediately 
after the ratification of the present treaty, to hostili- 
ties with all the tribes or nations of Indians with 
whom he may be at war at the time of such ratifica 
lion, and forthwith to restore to such tribes or nations, 
respectively, all the possessions, rights and privileges, 
which they may have enjoyed or been entitled to, in one 
thousand eight hundred and eleven, previous to such 
hostilities : Provided ahvays, that such tribes or na- 
tions shall agree to desist from all hostilities against 
his Britannic Majesty, and his subjects, upon the rati- 
fication of the present treaty being 1 notified to such 
tribes or nations, and shall so desist accordingly. 

ARTICLE THE TENTH. 

Whereas the traffic in slaves is irreconcilable with 
the principles of humanity and justice, and whereas 
both his Majesty and the United States are desirous 
of continuing their efforts to promote its entire aboli- 
tion, it is hereby agreed that both the contracting par- 
ties shall use their best endeavors to accomplish so de- 
sirable an object. 

ARTICLE THE ELEVENTH. 

This treaty, when the same shall have been ratified 
on both sides, without alteration by either of the con- 
tracting parties, and the ratifications mutually ex- 
changed, shall be binding on both parties, and the 
ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington, in 
the space of four months from this day or sooner if 
practicable. 
In faith whereof, we, the respective plenipotentiaries, 

have signed this treaty, and have thereunto affixed 

our seals. 

■')"> 



434 APPENDIX. 

Done, in treplicate, at Ghent, the twenty fourth day of 
December, one thousand eight hundred and fourteen. 
(l s.) GAM BIER, 

(l s.) HENRY GOULBURN, 

(l s.) WILLIAM ADAMS, 

(l s.) JOHN a ADAMS, 

(l s.) J. A. BAYARD, 

(l s.) H. CLAY, 

(l s.) JON A. RUSSELL, 

(l s.) A. GALLATIN. 

Now therefore, to the end that the said treaty of 
peace and amity may be observed with good faith, on 
the part of the United States, I, James Madison, pre- 
sident as aforesaid, have caused the premises to foe 
made public ; and I do hereby enjoin all persons 
bearing office, civil or military, wthih the United 
States, and all other citizens or inhabitants thereof, or 
being- within the same, faithfully to observe and fulfil 
the said treaty and every clause and article thereof. 
In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the 
(l s) United States to be affixed to these presents, 
and signed the same with my hand. 
Done at the city ot Washington, this eighteenth day 
of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
eight hundred and fifteen, and of the sovereignty 
and independence of the United States the thirty 
ninth. 

JAMES MADISON. 
By the president. 

JAMES MONROE, Acting Secretary of State. 



LIST OF VESSELS TAKEN FROM GREAT- 
BRITAIN, BY THE PUBLIC AND PRIVATE 
ARMED VESSELS OF THE U. STATES. 



-20 



-37 



Names of.vessels. 

ch'r. Whiting* 
bria; Ulysses 
brig Gypsey 
orig Pickering 
?hip Roba St Betsey 

hip Margaret 
transport No. 50* 
brig Bloodhound* 

nop — 
1 1 transport boats* 
ship Concord 
brig Elbe 
brig Herrnon 
a brig and sch'r 
snip Jane 
ship Emperor 

hip Experiment 
4 ships and brigs 
sch'r Wade 
brig Eliza 
J shallops 
brig- 
sloop Endeavor 
brig Juno 
ship — 
brig— 
3 sch'rs 
brig Wabisch 
sch'r Ann 
sch'r Pindar 
ship Jarrett 
3 schooners 

chooner — 

ich'r Ann 

* schooners 
brifj; — 
-chooner — 
schooner— 

I 'top — 

ch'r Pauny 



1 

2 
3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 
10 
21 
22 
23 
24-2 
26 
27 
28 

29-32 
S3 
34 
35 
38 
39 
40 
41 
42 

43-45 
46 
47 
48 
49 
50-5 
53 
54 
65- 
59 
60 

61 
62 
65 

64-65<2 schooners 



l-i 



Q 



1. 



20 



Taken by the 



is 



Arrived at 



Dash 

Paul Jones 

do. 

do. 

do. 

Teazer 

Madison 

Cora 

N. Y Militia 

do 

Fame 

do. 
Dolphin 

do. 

Madison 

Gun Boatsj 

do. 

do. 

Revenue Cutterf Amelia 
Madison Salem 
Lion Marblehead 

Lion &. Snowbird do. 



Hampton Road; 

Norfolk 

New -York 

Gloucester 

Charleston 

Portland 

.Gloucester 

Annapolis 

Putneyville 

Ogdensburg 

Salem 

j do. 

do. 

do. 
Gloucester 
St. Mary's 
i do. 
do. 



Polly 
Madison 
do. 
do. 
Jefferson 
Dolphin 
Nonpareil 
Gun Boatsf 
Pair Trader 
do.. 
Dolphin 
do. 

Jeffer. St. Dolphin 

Dolphin 

Lion 

Argus 

Polly 

Dolphin 

Buckskin 



Salem 

do. 
Cape- Ami 

do. 
Salem 

do. 
Charleston 
Amelia 
Salem 

do. 

made a cartel 
Salem 

do. 

do. 
Marblehead 
Portland 
Salem 
Baltimore 
Salem 



Note. Those marked with an [*] were H. B. Majesty's public vessel? 
dnd those nnth a [\] are U, S. public vessels. 



436 



APPENDIX. 



16 



brig Lamprey- 
transport brig* 'l97j 
sch'r Mary Ann 
ship Mary 
sch'r — 
sch'r Diligent 

2 schooners 
a Snow 
sch'r Jane 

ship Ann Green 10; 
barque St. Audreys 8 
brig Shamrock 6 

sch'r Sally 
sch'r Nelson 
schooner — 
sch'r 3 Brothers 
barque 
brig- 
ship Henry 
.sch'r Alfred 
sch'r Eliza 
'or. Lady Sherbrolce 
br Eliz. & Esther j 
ship Boyd 
brig Ranger 
sch'r Polly 

3 brigs 

sloop Mary Ann 
ship Hassan 
brig Harmony 
brig- 
ship Briganza 
brig Waldo 
sch'r Ann 

sh. Prince Adolphus' 8 
ship 

sch'r Harriet 
brig Ceres 
brig- 
brig William 

5 ships &, brigs 
7 briii &. schooner 

sch'r Industry 

sch'r Perseverance 

ship Simon Clark 

Honduras Packet* 

brig Amelia 

sch'r Mary 

schooner — 

sch'r Union 



20 
28] 

21 



. c Jf- 



108 




F. Essex* 

do. 

Buckskin 

Dolphin 

Fair Trader 

Polly 

Srjowbird 

Rev. Cutfcrf 

Dolphin 

Gossamer 

Rapid 

Rev{ CuMerf 

teazer 

Buckskin 

Fame 

Wiley Reynard 

Catharine 

Poliy 

Comet 

Spencer 

[Pqlly 

Marengo 

Gov. M'Kean 

G'obe 

Ma»i|da 

Wiley Reynard 

do. 

Paul Jones 

do. 

Yankee 

do. 

Tom 

Teazer 

Globe 

Gov. M'Kean 

Teazer 

High Flyer 

John 

Lynn 

Rossie 

do. 

do. 

Benj. Franklin 

Nonsuch 

Globe 

Mary- Ann 

do. 

do. 

do. 

John 



/Baltimore 
[ransomed 
iSalem 

do. 
Wisca 
Salees 

do. 
[Savannah 
Marb1ehea4 
ton 
and 
Savannah 

■ j a cartel 
Salem 

do. 
Boston 
Portland 
r ansomed 
Baltimore 
). 

New- York 
Philadelphia 

i\o. 

do. 
Boston 
Wiscasset 
Piiiladelphia 
Savannah 
New-York 
mad" a cartel 
Baltimore 
Portland 
Baltimore 
Philadelphia 
Portland 
Baltimore 
Salem 
Gloucester 
Boston 
burnt 

made a cartel 
New- York 
Charleston 
Norfolk 
Charleston 

do. 
burnt 

made a cartel 
Salem 



-129 
-131 





APPENDIX. 


4k 


brig Elizabeth 


4 


12 


John 


Salera 


brigs 






do. 


ransomed 


-cb'r &- sloop 






Orlando 


Gloucester 


brig Gen. Blake 






Revenue Cutferf 


Charleston 


brig — 






Buuker Hill 


do. 


brig James 






do. 


Falmouth 


-hip Apollo 


8 




John 


Salem 


ship Royal Bounty 


10 


29 


Yankee 


sunk 


brig Mary 




47 


ilo. 


made a certel 


Sc-hr. Venus 






Tcazer 


Portland 


ship Osborn 


10 


18 do. 


do. 


brig Eliza 




iMarengo 


New- York 


brig Richard 




[industry 


Marblehead 


brig Nancy 




Fair Trader 


Salem 


brig — 




iBunker Hill 


New York 


;Schr— 




Leander 


Providence 


brig Leonidas 


14 




Mars 


Savannah 


Schr. Sky Lark 






Bunker Hill 


New-York 


brig Laily Prevost 






Marengo 


do. 


brig Friends 






Benj. Franklin 


Boston 


brig Mary 






do. 


do. 


ship Jane 


12 


1ft 


Rossie 


Salem 


ship John 


16 30 


F. President! 


Philadelphia 


Schr. — 






Teazer 


Portland 


ship Grenada 


11 


30 


Young Eagle 


Charleston 


sch'r Shadock 


2 


10 


do. 


do. 


barque Diana 






High Flyer 


Savannah 


brig Roe- buck 






Rosamand 


Norfolk 


ship Guerriere* 


4,9 


302 


F. Constitutionf 


burnt 


brig lady Warren 






do. 


do. 


brig Abona 






do. 


do. 


barque Harriet 






do. 


do. 


brig Dutchess 






F. Congressf 


do. 


brig Traveller 






do. 


do. 


brig Henry 






Yankee 


Newport 


ship Hopewell 


14 


25 


Comet 


Baltimore 


brig Hazard 


6 




ship Waspf 


Boston 


sch'r Phoebe 






Squando 


Portsmouth 


brig Thetis 






Yankee 


burnt 


brig Alfred 






do. 


do. 


brig Antelope 






Dolphin 


Salem 


ship Kitty 






Rossie 


Portland 


sch'r Spunk 






Fair Trader 


Salem 


sch'r Providence 






Wiley Reynard 


New York 


ship Guayana 


9 




Dromo 


Salem 


bar duke of savoy 


8 




Decatur 


do. 


ship Pursuit 






Atlas 


Philadelphia 


ship Evergreen 






Dolphin 


Salem 


brig New Liverpool 


' 




' Yankee 


New York 


ship Mary Ann 


12 


n 


High Flyer 


Charleston 



438 




APPENDIX. 




179 


ship Elizabeth 


10 




Sarah- Ann 


Charleston 


180 


sch'r James 






Dolphin 


Baltimore 


181 


brig Pursuit 






Rapid 


Portland 


182 


brig Tay 






do. 


do. 


18* 


ship Britannia 


6 




Thrasher 


do. 


184 


tjrig Howe 


6 




Dart 


do. 


185 


brig Elizabeth 






Decatur 


Sewport 


186 


ship Jamaica 


7 


21 


High Flyer 


Baltimore 


187 


brig Alert* 


IQ 


122 


F. Essexf 


New-York 


188 


transport ship* 




378 


do. 


made a cartel 


189 


brig King George 






do. 


BostoR 


190 


ship- 


14 


25 


Revenge 


Portland 


191 


brig Ocean 


7 


26 


Saratoga 


New-York 


192 


brig Tulip 






Atlas 


Philadelphia 


193 


ship Esther 


12 


25 


Montgomery 


Gloucester 


194 


sch'r Venus 






Saratoga 


New- York 


195 


ship Quebec 


IG 


52 


do. 


do. 


196 


ship Richmond 


14 


25 


Thomas 


Portland 


197 


ship Adonis 


12 


25 


Montgomery 


Salem 


198 


ship Falmouth 


14 30 


Thomas 


Portsmouth 


199 


brig Two Friends 


I 

1 


Benj. Franklin 


Boston 


200 


snow Two Friends 


6 


Dart 


do. 


20 1 


brig William 






Rossie 


do. 


203 


sch'r Trial 






Leander 


Providence 


203 


sch John &t George 






Regulator 


Boston 


204 


ship — 






Poor Sailor 


Wilmington 


205 


brig— 






Dart 


Portland 


206 


scii'r Mary Ann 




Black Joke 


Norfolk 


207 


brig Laura* 


10 50 


Diligent 


Philadelphia 


208 


sch'r Rising States 






do. 


do. 


209 


brig Hannah 






Montgomery 


Salem 


210 


sch'r Mary 






do. 


do. 


211 


brig- 




Dart 


Castine 


212 


brig Pomona 


2 


Decatur 


made a cartel 


213 


brig Devonshire 






do. 


France 


214 


brig Concord 






do. 


burnt 


215 


brig Hope 






do. 


made a cartel 


216 


-ch'r Minorca 






Wasp 


Savannah 


217 


->arque Charlotte 






Decatur 


Boston 


218 


ship Mariana 






Gov. M'Kean 


Norfolk 


219 


brig Diana 






DartJ 


Portland 


220 


brig- 






Teazer 


do. 


221 


ht ig Isabella 






do. 


do. 


222 


ship — 






Decatur 


Marblehead 


223-225 


A vessels 






Dolphin 


burnt 


226 


ship John 


14 


35 


Comet 


Baltimore 



fj^r'Those in Italic are Letters of Marque vessels 

| This Privateer tame into the harbor of Portland triumphantly 
Viounted on the deck of her prize f ! .' 





APPENDIX. 


43 


227 


ship Commerce ,141 26 


Decatur 


Portland 


228 


brig Industry 


10] 2d 


Comet 


Wilmington 


229 


privateer Nassau 


4' 


3C 


Dolphin 


Baltimore 


230 


privateer brig 


8 


40 


Rapid 


burnt 


231 


brig Tor Abbey 






Thresher 


Cape Ann 


232 


brig Mary 






Ben]. Franklin 


Charleston 


233 


ship Prins. Amelia 


10 


SO 


Rossie 


Savannah 


234 


schr. — 






Teazer 


Portland 


235 


brig- 






Marengo 


Newbury port 


236 


brig Orient 






Teazer 


Portland 


237 


schr. Jenny 






do. 


do. 


238 


sch'r Adelia 






Rosamond 


New- York 


239 


brig Point Shares 






Baltimore 


Baltimore 


240 


brig San Antonio 






Marengo 


Philadelphia 


241 


brig Detroit* 


18 


78 


GunBoatsf 


burnt 


242 


sch'r Caledonia* 


4 


16 


do- 


Black Rock 


243 


sch'r Single-Cap 






Matilda 


New- Orleans 


244 


sch'r Fame 






Nonsuch 


Savannah 


245 


ship Phoenix 


12 


17 


Mary Ann 


Charleston 


246 


brig Concord 






do. 


do. 


247 


brig Favorite 


2 




Industry 


Lynn 


248 


brig sir John Moore 






do. 


do. 


249 


brig lord Sheffield 






Marengo 


burnt 


250 


sch'r Betsey Ann 






Fame 


Salem 


251 


brig William 






Montgomery 


do. 


252 


brig Henry 






John 


do. 


253 


sch'r Four Brothers 






Fame 


do. 


254 


sch'r four Sons 






do 


do. ' 


255-256 


2 sch'rs 






Dart 


Portland 


257 


sch'r Antelope 






Rosamond 


Charleston 


258 


sch'r Dawson 






Wasp 


savannah 


259 


brig Diamond 


10 




Alfred 


Salem 


260 


brig George 


(2 




do. 


do. 


261 


brig Neptune 






John 


do. 


262 


ship Jane 






do. 


do. 


263 


sch'r — 






Saucy Jack 


nade a cartel 


264 


sl'p Louisa Ann 






Benj. Franklin 


Portland 


265 


ship Venus 






Two Brothers 


>urnt 


266 


brig Ja. &. Charlott 






America 


Salem 


267 


brig Fr. Blake 






Nonsuch 


Charleston 


268 


brig swallow* 


14 


30 


F. Presidenlf 


Baltimore 


269 


brit^Porgie 






High Flyer 


Norfolk 


270 


ship Ned 


10 


It 


John &. George 


Salem 


271 


sch'r Sister3 






Fame 


do. 


272 


sch'r Comet 


2 




Rapid 


Savannah 


273 


Privateer Scorcher 


1 


2( 


do. 


rarht 


274 


sch'r Mary 






do. 


ransomed 


275 


sch'r Mary Hall 






ship Gen. Pikef 


Sacketfs Harbor 


276 


si. Elizabeth 






do. 


do. 


277 


transport sch'r* 






do. 


jurnt 



140 



APPENDIX. 



278 brig Union 

279 sch'r Neptune 

280 barque Fisher 

281 brig James Bray 

282 brig lady Harriet 
283-285 3 vessels 

286 brig Freedom 

287 sch'r America 

288 brig — 

289 packet John Bulls 

290 ship Argo 

291 P. Macedonian a 

292 ship John Hamilton 

293 brig— 
29* sch'r Lorain 

295 brig Bacchus 

296 brig Venus 
297-306 nine vessels 

307 packet Townsendx J 
298 packet Burehallx 

308 sch'r— 

309 brig Criterion 

310 sch'r Neptune 

311 brig Neptune 

312 sch'r— 

313 brig Fancy 

314 sloop Nelly 

315 brig Devonshire 

316 ;-/i'r — 

317 ship James 

318 brig two Brothers 

319 brig Active 

320 brig— 

321 brig Pomona 

322 ship Betsey 

323 brig Dart 

324 ship Queen 

325 brig Charlotte 

326 sch'r William 

327 brig Recovery 

328 brig Lucey Sc Alida 
329-332 three vessels 

333 sch'r Swift 

334 sch'r — 

335 sloop Reasonable 
3 36 sch'r Maria 

337 sch'r Catherine 

338 sch'r Maria 
'{.!'» ship Rio Notiva 
34() sch'r Rebecca 



12' 26 

49 3Q6 
16 



30 



18 



67 
18 

40 

30 

150 

24 
25 



Gen. Armstrong 
Revenge 
Fox 
Bunker Hill 
orders in Council 
do. 
Thorn 
Fame &c Drorno 
Joel Parlow 
Rover 
F. President! 
F. United Statesf 
Dolphin 
brig Argusf 
Revenge 
do. 
Polly 
Patriot 
Tom 
Highflyer 
do. 
do. 
Revenge 

Roba 
Revenge 
Joel Barlow 
Revenge 
Decatur 
Retaliation 
Gen. Armstrong 
Ben]. Franklin 
Highflyer 
Dart 
Leo 
Revenge 
America 
Gen. Armstrong 
America 
Liberty 
brig Argusf 
Revenge 
Jacks Favorite 
Rolla 
Roll a 
Liberty 
do. 
Lady Madison 
do. 
Rolla 
Jacks Favorite 



Budon 

Cape Ann 

Portland 

Boston 

New-York 

ransomed 

Marblehead 

Salem 

New-London , 

destroyed 

Baltimore 

New- York 

Baltimore 

Hampton Road3 

Philadelphia 

Salem 

Savannah 

sunk &. burnt 

ransomed 

Baltimore 

made a car! el 

New- York 

made a cartel 

Portland 

burnt 

New London 

Philadelphia 

Prance 

New- York 

Jestroyed 

New York 

Charleston 

Portland 

Belfast 

Wilmington 

Snlem 

wrecked 

Salem 

Savannah 

New- York 

Norfolk 

burnt 

do. 

made aearlei 

destroyed 

ransomed 

Charleston 

made a oarf< 

New-York' 
Londor 



APPENDIX. 



441 



341 brig— 

342 privateer Richard 

343 ship Hope 

344 ship Ralph 

345 ship Euphemia 

346 brig — 

347 schooner — 

348 sch'r Meadau 

349 ship Mary 

350 sch'r Erin 

351 packet Nocton* 

352 brigBarossa 

353 schr Mary 

354 brig Peggy 

355 ship Arabella 

356 brig Andalusia 

357 brig &c sloop 

358 F. Java* 

359 brig — 

360 ship Diligence* 

361 schooner — 

362 ship Neptune 
363-364 two vessels 
366 ship — 

366 ship Volunteer 

367 ship— 

368 sch'r Ellen 

369 ship Jane 

370 sch'r Pr. of Wales 

371 ship Aurora 

372 373 two vessels 

374 brig Pelican 

375 ship— 

376 brig Emu* 

377 brig Ann 

378 orig — 

379 sch'r Sabine 

380 transport Canada* 

381 brig Isabella 

382 brig 3 Brothers 

383 sloop Mary Ann 

384 nrivateer Andalusi* 

385 sch'r George 

386 ship Albion 

387 brig Harriot 

388 ship Nelson 

389 -hip Neptune 

390 ship— 

391 brig— 

392 ichoorjer — 

5Q 



14 



90 

438 

60 



74 



120 



100 

25 
14 



Ned 

Holkor 

America 

do. 

do. 

Decatur 

do. 
Sparrow 
Rolla 
Eagle 
F. Essexf 
Rolla 
Eagle 
Hunter 
Growler 
Yankee 
do. 
F Constitution! 

Growler 
Eastport militia 
Gallinipper 
Decatur 
do. 

America 

F. Chesapeakef 

do 

S. Hometf 

Spy 

Growler 
Holkar 
Mars 
do. 
Lady Madison 
Growler 
do. 
United we stand 
Erie Militia 
Paul Jones 
do. 

Dolphin 
Yankee 
do. 
do. 

Hazard 

Yankee 

Decatur 

Saratoga 

Bona 

Dolphin 

Lovelv La?s 



Ocracoke 
Savannah 
Marblehead 
Portland 

do. 
France 

do. 
ransomed 
Newport 
Charleston 
madeU. S. vessel 
Martha's Vineyard 
Charleston 
Boston 
New- London 
Savannah 
ransomed 
burnt 
ransomed 
Macliias 
ransomed 
Portland 
France 
Kennebunk 
Portsmouth 
'tjrnt 

New-Castle 
New Orleans , 
■ansoraed 
Newport 
made cartels 
Charleston 
Newburn 
Marblehead 

do. 
Savannah 
lurnt 
nade a cartel 

do. 
New-York 
>urnt 
Savannah 
nade a cartel 
St. Mary's 
Boston 
New Orleans 

do. 
Newport 
New- London 
New Orlpan' 



442 



APPENDIX. 



393 

394 

395 

396 

397 

398 

399 

400 

401 

402 

403 

404 

405 

406 

407 

408-410 

411-413 

414 

415-41 

417 

418-42(j 

421 

421 

423 

424 

425 

426 

427 

428 

429 

430 

431 

432 

433 

434 

435 

436 

437 

438 

439 

440 

441 

442 

443 

444 

445 



brig Shannon 
brig Ceres 
ship Mentor 
sch'r Huzzar 
brig Resolution 
ahip Peacock* 
brig Antrim 
brig Fly 

chooner— 
brig Earl Percy 
brig Hero 
brig Rover 
transport Alder* 
brig Return 
brig Thomas] 

bree vessels 
three vessels 
sloop- 
two vessels 
brig — 

three vessels 
privateer Caledonia 



brig Tartar 
tender Fox* 
br. London Packet 
sch'r Farmer 
schooner — 
privat. sch'r Crown' 
ship Francis 
brig Malvina 
brig Charlotte 
Du. of Gloucester* 
priv. sch'r Richard 
priv. sloop Dorcas 
brig Edward 
-ch'r Hope 
brig- 
ship Nancy 

chooner— 

ch'r Delight 
packet Mary Ann* 

hip Dromo 
brig— 

Invinc. Napoleon} 
packet Anu* 
Jsch'r Greyhound 



134 



10 



10 



10 



18 



.2; 
12 

10 



50 



2fi 



36 



30 



Yankee 
Paul Jones 
Saucy Jack 

Liberty 
ship Hornetf 

do. 
Saucy Jack 
Yankee 
do. 
ChesHpeakef 
do. 
Alfred 
Yankee 
Paul Jones 

Yankee 

Snap Dragon 

do. 

do. 

Divided vve-Fall 

do. 

do. 

sch'r Nonsuchf 

Gen. Armstrong 

Hero 

Paul Jones 

Sparrow 

Wasp 

militia volunteers 

T. blood, yaukee 

Ned 

Montgomery 

ship Madison 

Holkar 

i)o. 

Alexander 

do. 

Fox 

York Town 

ship Gen. Pike f 

Fame 

Gov. Tompkins 

Thomas 

do. 

Young Teazer 

do. 

do. 



Bristol 

Chatham 

New- Orleans 

Savannah 

>urnt 

sank 

New-Orleans 

Charleston 

Tarpaulin Cov* v 

New- York 

^urnt 

Salem 

Bristol 

Chatham 

Boston 

burnt 

made cartels 

made a tender 

ransomed 

sunk 

ransomed 

Charleston 

Georgetown 

Mystic 

wrecked 

given up 

Machias 

Waldoborougk 

Brest (France) 

Wilmington 

Salem 

Sackett's Harbo? 

Savannah 

made a cartel 

Salem 

made a cartel 

Portsmouth 

Bristol 

Sackett's Harbor 

Machias 

Boston 

Wiscasset 

Boothebay 

Portland 

do. 

do. 



f This ship was originally a French privateer, and caplurrd by 11. B 
Majesty's ship Mutinc ; re captured by the .lit wander of Salem ; reri 
captured by If. B Majesty's frigate Shannon, and re-re recaptured by the 
Teazer of New York, and sent into Portland ' ' I 



APPENDIX. 



443 



446 brig Mary 

4*7 br. Kingston packet 

448 brig Mutiny 

449 br S. Geo. Prevost 

450 privateer L. packet 

451 King's packets 

452 brig David 

453 Packet* 
45 * ihip Mary 

455 ship William 

456 brig Harriot 

457 brig Mars 

458 >ch'r Pearl 

459 ,>rivateer sloop 

460 brig— 

461 brig— 

462 brig Dinah 

463 sch'r Britannia 

464 ship Loyal Sam 

465 ship Venus 

466 ship Susan 

467 ship Seaton 

468 sch'r Elizabeth 

469 -hip Pelham 

470 brig Margaret 

471 trans Ly. Murray* 

472 brig Morton 
473-475 3 vessels 

476 brig Sally 

477 brig — 

478 brig Hero 

479 brig Resolution 

480 brig Hero 

43 1 brig James &c Saral 

482 brig— 

483 brig— 

484 brig James 

485 brig Sally 

486 brig Ann 

487 brig Thomas 

488 brig— 

489 barque 

490 ship Betsey 

491 ship Eliza 

492 sch'r Success 

493 sch'r Lady dark 

494 sch'r Sally 

495 sch'r Blonde 

496 sch'r Ann 

497 sch'r Dorcas 



10 



40 



30 



22 



Anaconda 

Globe 

do. 

Rolla 

Thames 

Anaconda 

Gov. Plumer 

Anaconda 

do. 
Grand Turk 
Anaconda 
Fox 
1 /lberty 
do. 
Gov. Plumer 
Sabine 
Globe 
Grand Turk 
Siro 
Globe 
Siro 
Paul Jones 
Globe 
do 
America 
L. of the Lakef 

Yorktown 

Young Teazer 

Benj. Franklin 

Teazer 

do. 

Nancy 

F. Essexf 

do. 
Marengo 
Gen. Armstrong 
orders in Council 
John 
Teazer 
Decatur 
Hoikar 
Dolphin 
Revenge 
Yankee 
Benj Franklin 
Bunker Hill 
Wiley Reynard 
John 
do. 
Libert* 7 



New London 
Ocracoke 
Beaufort 
New Orleans 
Portsmouth 
Ocracoke 
Portsmouth 
made a cartel 
New Haven 
Sale m 

New Bedford 
Portsmouth 
Savannah 
made a cartel 
burnt 
do. 
Ocracoke 
Portland 
Charleston 
Beaufort 
France 
burnt 
do. 
do. 

Salem 

Sackett'* Harbor 

made a cartel 

Port laud 

ransomed 

New York 

Castiue 

Portland 

burnt 

ransomed 

New London 

Martha's Vineyard 

New York 

Boston 

Portsmouth 

made a cartel 

New York 

burnt 

Wilmingtou 

Boston 

ransomed 

New York 

Boston 

ransomed 

Salem 

-ansomei! 



444 



APPENDIX. 



498 

499 

500 

50i 

502 

503 

504 

505 

506 

507 

508- 

511 

512 

513 

528 

529 

530 

531 

532 

533 

534 

535 

536 

537 

538 

539 

540 

542 

543 

548 

549 

550 

551 

552 

553 

554 

555 

556 

557 
558 
559 
561 
562 
563 
564 
565. 
568- 
570 
571 



-527 



:-547 



'-560 



•567 
569 



isloop Eagle* 
brig Union 
■ship Aurora 
hip — 

hip Integrity 
brig Avery 
hip Susan 
ihip Fox 
Isch'r Leonard 
Jbrig Betsey 
5;0lihree vessels 
sch'r — 
brig — 

Gr. B. &. 14 transp* 
sch'r 3 Sisters 
sch'r Geii Hosford 
brig Nelly 
sloop Peggy 
scb Broth. $ Sisf 
brig Louisa 
loop Pox 
loop William 
loop Js k Eliza 
brig Chance 
brig Mary 
;hip Venus 
brig Morton 
sch'r Dominico* 
ship Lon. Trader 
five brigs 
privateer Fly 
ch'r Ceres 
barque Henrietta 
brig Aun 
sch'r Flying Fish 
sloop Calherine 
sch'r Kate 
ship Louisa 
brig 3 Brothers 
brig Earl of Moira 
shooner — 
two vessels 
sch'r Loui>a 
priva. Kg. of Rome 
ship — 
schooner — 
three vessels 
two vessels 
brig — 
schooner — 



20 



05 



10 



Gun Boatsf 
T. B. Yankee 
do. 
Rambler 
T. B. Yankee 
Yorktovvn 
do. 
brig Argusf 
T. B. Yankee 
Jacks Favorite 
America 

Fox 
Yankee 
2 row boatsf 
Saucy Jack 
Decatur 
Fox 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
Dolphin 
Yorktown 
Decatur 
do. 
♦ I Snap Dragon 
30 brig Enterprizef 
Yankee 
Snap Dragon 

do. 
Saucy Jack 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 

Industry 

Terrible 

Swiftsure 

Expedition 

brig Argusf 

P. Presidentf 

do. 
T. B Yankee 
Leo 
Brutus 
(Gen. Armstrong 



88 



F"ew York 
ranee 
do. 
wrecked 
Norway 
New Bedford 
France 
unk 
do. 

Plymouth 
made cartels 
Iransomed 
Bristol 

Sackett's Harbor 
St. Mary's 
Savannah 
burnt 
rausomed 
burnt 
ransomed 
Norway 
France 
ransomed 
Norway 
burnt 
Salem 
Wilmington 
Charleston 

do. 
destroyed 
Portsmouth 
made a cartel 
Beaufort 

do. 
ransomed 
Cape Henry 

do. 
[burnt 
St. Mary's 
Machias 
Eastport 
Machias 
Newport 
destroyed 
France 
do. 
do. 
do. 
ransomed 
burnt 



APPENDIX. 



445 



2 
3 

h 

.5 
.6 

7-5' 
,9 
iO 
;l 

j 2-583 
14 

15-536 
:7 
18 
IB 
!3 
'l 
■2 

3 
I 
5 
3 
7 
1 
) 
) 

2 
J 
V 

5 
5 
7 

: 

i 
i 

i 
\ 

5 
J 
3 
1 

) 

I 
I 

1 



brig Boxer* 
schooner — 
schooner — 
brig Jane 
brig— 
2 vessels 
sch'r Lilly 
brig Mary- Ann 
brig— 

a brigand sloop 
packet Lapwing* 
2 ships 

sloop Traveller 
Duke of Montrose* 
brig Jane and Ann 
brig Daphne 
ship Eliza 
brig Alert 
barque Lion 
sch'r High Flyer* 
ship Industry 
ship Lond. Packet 
brig Atlantic 
brig Jane 
brie Jane 
brig Venus 
sch'r Elizabeth 
brig Harpy 
barque Reprisal 
privateer Dart 
sch'r Salamanca 
brig Susannah 
brig Richard 
brig Fowey 
sloop Lady Francis 
trans Barbadoes* 
trans Alliance* 
<eh'r Cordelia 
ship Betsey 
ship Mariner 
<loop — 
Urig Helena 
brig- 
brig Diana &. Betty 
ship Defiance 
brig Baltic 
sloop — 
brig Belford 
pilot boat sch'r 
briar — 



|I8/ 96brigEnterprizef 
Mate and cren ! 

Terrible 

Snap Draggon 

Grampus 

Terrible 

Pilot 

do 

Gen. Armstrong 

Industry 

Rattlesnake 

T. blood. Yankee 

Lark 

F. Presidentf 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

L\ blood. Yankee 

Argus 

do 

do 

Snap Dragon 

do 

do 

do 

do 



14 



Portland 

Castine 

ransomed 

Newbern 

uurnt 

Salem 

ransomed 
do 

burnt 

Machias 

made a cartel 

France 

Machias 
made a cartel 

unk 

do 
ransomed 
burnt 
ransomed 
Newport 
Norway 
Boston 
ransomed 
made a cartel 
ransomed 
made a cartel 
given up 

do 
ransomed 



R. cut. Vlgillantf Newport 



brig Argusf 
do 
do 
do 
do 
do 
do 
do 
do 
do 
do 
do 
do 
do 
do 
do 
do 
do 
do 
do 



destroyed 
made a cartel 
burnt 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

France 
sunk 
France 
made a carte! 
burnt 

do 

do 

do 

made a cartel 
-unk 

do 

do 



446 



APPENDIX. 



625 (transport Julia* 

626 sch'r Growler* 
627-6293 Gunboats* 
030 ; Guu o^at* 
631 
632 
633 
634- 
635 
636 
637 
638 
639 
640 
641 
642 
643 
644 
645 
646 
647 
648 
649 
650 
«51 
652 
653 
654 
655 
656 



'packet Morgiana* 

jship— 

:bng Sarah 

sch'r — 

jship Economy 

hip Pax 

ship Diiigent 

ich'r Liberty 

brig Betsey 

brig Hope 

ship Hull 

ship Jol. Bachellor 

ihip Experiment 

brig Ruby 

ship Britannia 

sch'r Prosperous 

brig Burton 

ship Latona 

ship Friends 

[ship Nottingham 

br. Westmoreland 

,brig Brothers 

'slo op Perseverance 

ship Harford 

iship Thetis 

brig Brunswick 



12202 
II 42 

6 45 
2 15 
18 50 



657-669 13 vessels 

670 Gun boat* 

671 ship Brutus 

672 sch'r Fame 

673 ship St. Lawrence 
674-675.two vessels 
676-690 15 vessels 

691 brig— 

692 brig President 



693 
694 



brig Favorite 
brig Mary 



695-696 two ships 



697 
693 
699 
700 
701 
702 
703 



sch'r Katy 

ch'r— 
sch'r Ann 
sljop Eli/.a 
brig Dart 

loop — 
si. G. Hodgkinson 



TO't-710 seven vessels 



ship Madisonf 
do. 
do. 
do. 
Saratoga 
do. 
do. 
Gen. Stark 
Scourge &. Rattle 
do. [snake 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
Leo 
60 Morgans riflem. 
Rattlesnake 
Saratoga 
America 
Yankee 
Lady Cordelia 
do. 
Polly 
I go' Yankee 
do. 
Scourge 
Yankee 
Water Witch 
Gen. Stark 
Tim. Pickering 

do. 
East Port Fort 

Saratoga 
OgdensburgMil 



Sacketts Harbor 
do. 
do. 
burnt 
Newport 
burnt 

do. 
Machias 
Norway 

do 

do. 

do. 

do 

do- 
do- 
do 

do- 
do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 
do. 
burnt 

Sacketts Harbo 
made a cartel 
wrecked 
Portsmouth 
made a cartel 
lestroyed 
wrecked 
Savaunah 
nade a cartel 
Chatham 
•Norway 
New-Bedford 

do. 
Vlachias 
Eastport 
3alem 
Eastport 
vrecked 
Ogdensburg 



APPENDIX. 



447 



712 

ns 

714 
715 
716 
717 

718 
719 
720 
721 
722 
723 
724 
725 
720 
727 
728 
729 
730 
731 
732 
733 
734 
735 
73G 
737 
738 
739 
740 
741 
742 
'743 
744 
745 
,746 
754 
755 
-756 
757 
758 
7.5 '.) 
760 
761 
762 
, 763 
|<76't 
»i765- 
774 
775 



brig Edward 
brig Janstoff 
brig Loyd 
ihip Vesta 
ship Fame 
sch'r Joseph 
Lady Cockburn 
Sir J. Sherbroke 
ship Manly 
brig— 

sch'r Messenger 
ship Montezuma 
ship Policy 
ship Georgiana 
ship Atlantic 
ship Greenwich 
hip Hector 
hip Catherine 
ship Rose 
brig Jane 
brig Diana 
hip Rose 
brig- 
brig Agnes 
loop John 
brig Abel 
brig Cossack 
sch'r Jasper 
sch'r Rebecca 
sch'r Agnes 
brig Criterion 
sch'r Fanny 
sch'r Henry 
sch'r Maria 
ship Nereid 
-753eight vessels 
ship Castor 
brig Active 
ship Watson 
ship Cora 
brie Eliza 
sch'r Traveller 
seli'r George 
sloop Experiment 
sloop Vigilant* 
schooner— 
br Young Husband 
773 nine vessels 
brig Tullock 
Ship Minerva 



10 



10 



2 2i 

10 26 

6 28 

8| 24 

25 

2f, 

29 

8| 76 

10 17 

10 14 



ll- 



SC 



Fox 
Washington 
Saratoga 
do. 
do. 
Saratoga 

do. 
Saucy Jack 
Revenge 
Caroline 
Comet 
F. Essexf 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
Essex Juniorf 
do. 
do. 
F. Congressf 
do. 
do. 
Eliza 
Saucy Jack 
do. 

Caroline 
Oen. Stark 
Caroline 
Grand Turk 
do. 
Caroline 
Revenge 
Roger 
do. 
Gov. Tompkins 
T. B. Yankee 
do. 
do. 
ilo. 
do. 
do. 

Frolic 

Fly 

do. 

Comet 

Petapsco 

Gov. Tompkins 

Comet 

Fox 

do. 



Polly Landing 
Portland 
burnt 
ransomed 
New York 
made a cartel 

ansomed 
3t Mary's 
Charleston 
burnt 

Wilmington 
Peru 
Boston 

made ships } 
of war J- 

of 20 guns J 

Peru 
do. 
made a carte! 
burnt 

nade a carte! 

sunk 

Wilmington 

burnt 

ransomed 

Wilmington 

Georgetown 
do. 

Portsmouth 

France 

Stonington 

Charleston 
do. 

burnt 

New York 

burnt 

»iven up 

France 
do. 
do. 
do. 

Squaui 

Ellsworth 

\Iachias 

Wilmington 

Savannah 

Newport 

sunk 

Gloucester 

Portsmouth 



448 



APPENDIX. 



jship — 
brig Isabella 
bloop— 
schr. Harmony 
(sloop Humbird 
jbrig— 
jbrig— 
jschr. Mary 
isloop: — 
[ship Wanderer 
[ship Edward 
schr. Jonathan 
brig Britannia 
schr Curfew 
brig Terulla 
ship Galatea 
ship James 
ship — 



776 
777 
778 
779 
780 
781 
782 
783 
784 
785 
786 
787 
788 
789 
790" 
791 
792 
793 
794-7 95 two vessels 

796 privateer— 

797 .ship Sally 

798 'ship — 

799 brig Superb 

800 privateer Mars 

801 brig Juno 

802 brig Friends 

803 'schr. Sea Flower 

804 'schr. Hazard 

805 brig Sovereign 

806 ship Diana 

807 schr William 

808 schr. Mary 

809 brig Bykar 

810 schr Hope 

81 1 brig Rambler 

812 schr Eliza 

813 ship Lady Prevost. 

814 sch. Susan &. Eliza 

815 schr. — 

816 schr. Jane 

817 brig Falcon 

818 brig Superb 
8i9 'schr — 

820 ship John 

821 brig Brothers 

822 ship Victory 
82J-826 four ships 

827 >hip— 

828 brig Elizabeth 

829 Jsbip AnnCatherinr 



jGov Tompkins 

brig Rat tlesnakef 

General Stark 

Terrible 

Surprize 



brig Rattlesnakef sunk 



M 



10 



12 



made a eartel 

Wilmington 

wrecked 

Portsmouth 

Machias 



30 



89 



Fox 
Macedonian 

Hope 

F President! 

do. 

do. 

Mars 

Alfred 

do. 

Chasseur 

T. B Yankee 

do. , 

Frolic 

Leo 

Delile 

brig ErMerprizef 

Mars 

bs. Rati. & Rot f 

Grand Turk 

Diomede 

Tuckahoe 

do 
America 

do. 

Diomede 

do. 

Fox 

Diomede 



burnt 
ransomed 
Philadelphia 
sunk 
do. 
do. 

New-Bedford 
Marblehead 
burnt 
Beaufort 
France 
do. 

destroyed 
Cape Francois 
unk 

St Mary's 
Charleston 
Wilmington 
France 
wrecked 
burnt 
do. 

Portsmouth 
burnt 
Savannah 
New- York 
G: mcester 
Bristol 



bs. Rati. &c Ent.f'burnt 
do. Wo 



Invincible. 

Mars 

Viper 

Fairy 

America 

Mary 

Viper 

Saucy Jack 

America 

Vipeit 

Rattlesnake 

do. 

Caroline 

Sauey Jack 



Wilmington 

do 

Newport 

Wilmington 

Charleston 

New-York 

Newport 

Charleston 

amden 
ii ray 
ance 
larleston 

bavanuab 







APPENDIX. 


A 




schr. Nimble 






Saucy Jack 


Beaufort 




schr. Jason 






Caroline 


burnt 




schr. — 






Kemp 


Cape Francois 




schr. 'IV i nit aria 






Saucy Jack 


Savannah 


-842 


nine vessels 






P. Neufchattel 


France 


•851 


nine vessels 






Comet 


lestroyed 


•-855 


four vessels 






do. 


ansoined 


-857 


two vessels 






do. 


Wilmington 




brig Apolio 


6 




America 


Salem 




brig Anne 






do. 


made a cartel 




cutter Patty 






do. 


unk 




brig- 






do. 


Jo. 




brig Henry 


6 




Gov. Tompkins 


New. York 




brig Abel 






ild. 


Elizabeth City 




ship— 






Invincible 


Wilmington 




sch. Eocouragem't. 






, Frolis 


destroyed 




brig Two Sisters 






Wasp 


Philadelphia 




achr. Hope 






America 


burnt 




schr. Sylph 






do. 


do. 




schr. Eclipse 






Wasp 


wecked 




schr. Cobham 






Jonquilla 


Wilmington 




brig Louisa 






Kemp 


Elizabeth City 




ship Hive 






Surprize 


Norfolk 




scbr. Picton* 


8 


20 


F. Constitutionf 


sunk 




ship Lovely Ann 






do. 


made a cartel 




schr. Phoenix 






do. 


sunk 




brig Nimble 






Invincible 


Teneriffe 




brig Ceres 






Grampus 


burnt 




schr. — 






Saratoga 


New Bedford 




sch. Friends Adv'tr. 






Fox 


Wiscasset 




brig Fanny 






Galloway 


France 




brig— 






Fox 


burnt 




schr. Eliza 






Snap-Dragon 


Beaufort 




schr. Kentish 






Saratoga 


Fairhaven 




■schr. Prince Regenl 


to 




Invincible 


ransomed 




cutter Lyon 






do. 


given up 




brig Portsea 


8 




do. 


ransomed 




brig Conway 


10 




do. 


Portsmouth 




sch Francis &, Luc} 






do. 


made a cartel 




brig James 






Young Wasp 


France 


-891 


two vessels 






do. 


made cartels 




schr. — 






boat Alerlf 


Burlington 




ship Union 






Rambler 


wrecked 




brig. Fair Stranger 






Fox 


Portsmouth 




transport Mary* 


12 


82 


Rattlesnake 


France 




brig— 






Expedition 


destroyed 




sch'r Miranda 






Chasseur 


Jo. 




sloop Martha 


4 


20 


do. 


made a cartel 


•900 


two vessels 






do. 


lestroyed 




sctfr Adeline 




20 Expedition 


New- York 




57 











449 



450 



APPENDIX. 



902 br. Experience 

9©3 hip Experence 

904- -eh'r— 

905 <ch'r Francis 

906 ^ch'r Appellodore 

907 sch'r William 

908 loop Irwin 

909 brig Bellona 

910 sch'r Prince 

911 sch'r Industry 

912 loop— 

913 brig Roebuck 

914 "hip Equity 

915 ship Adston 

916 sch'r— 

917 sloop Regent 

918 sch'r— 

919 sloop Epervier* 

920 sloop Cygnet 

921 sch'r Diligence 

922 sloop Bonita 

923 brig Robert 

924 brig Favorite 

925 brig— 

926 ship Susan 

927 ship Doris 

928 brig Curlew 

929 brig— 

930 ship James 

931 brig Swift 

932 brig Camelion 
933-934 two vessels 
935-944 10 vessels 

945 sch'r Hope 

946 sch'r Pickrel 

947 shipPelham 

948 ship Fortuna 

949 sch'r— 

950 ship Phoebe 

951 brig Kutusoff 

952 schr' Youn. Farmei 

953 sch'r Miranda 

954 transport Martha* 

955 sch'r Ann Maria 

956 sch'r William 

957 ship Joanna 
958-959 two vessels 

960 sch'r Brilliant 

961 ship Symmetry 

962 ship Winchester 



18 



128 



12 



10 



3 5 



40 



Caroline 
Rapid 
Perry 
Midas 
do. 
do. 
do. 
Globe 
ship Adamsf 
do. 
do. 
do. 
Rattlesnake 
do. 

Saratoga 
do. 
do. 
brig Peacockf 
Saratoga 
York 
Delisle 
Zebec Ultor 
David Porter 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
Rattlesnake 
Young Wasp 
Zebec Ultor 
Mam mouth 

Caroline 
Tom &.Leo 
Pike 
do. 
Sacey Jack 
Roger 
Viper 
Hawk 
Surprize 
Henry Guilder 
Chasseur 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
James Monroe 
Scourge 
do. 
do. 



wrecked 
Savunah 
Norfolk 
burnt 
do. 
made a cartel 

do. 
Barracoa 
burnt 
do. 
given up 
made a carte! 
burnt 
sunk 

Fairhaven 

sunk 

ransomed 

Savannah 

Wilmington 

destroyed 
do. 

Charleston 

given up 
do. 

ransomed 
do. 

burnt 

Portsmouth 

ransomed 

Baltimore 

Portsmouth 

destroyed 

Fiance 

Saco 

sunk 

Charleston 

Beaufort 

Newport 

Wilmington 

Frankfort 

New- York 

burnt 

made a carte! 

burnt 
do. 

sunk 

burnt 

Boston 

burnt 
do 



APPENDIX. 


m 


brig Union 






Scourge 


burnt 


ship — 






do. 


do. 


sloop — 






do. 


sunk 


brig Dove 






Fox. 


burnt 


ship Jane 






do. 


made a cartel 


brig Bulize 




10 


Portsmouth 


ship Mermaid 






Gen Pike 


Damarrseotta 


ship Commerce 






Lawrence 


Portland 


ship Upton 


16 


104 


Diomede 


Wiscasset 


ship Hero 


• 


20 


prize ship Upton 


made a cartel 


brig Providence 






Diomede 


sunk 


brin: Harmony 






do. 


do. 


brig Recovery 






do. 


do. 


brig Melpomene 


6 




Chasseur 


Newport 


brig Britannia 






do. 


Beaufort 


brig — 






Roger 


Norfolk 


schooner — 






Leo 


Newport 


ship Henry Dundas 






Rattlesnake 


made a cartel 


brig Indian Lass 


ie 


30 


Grand Turk 


Baltimore 


brig Catherine 






do. 


burnt 


sloop Caroline 






do. 


ransomed 


5 Gun Boats* 


•d 


180 


A pp lings riflemen 


Sackett's Har 


sch'r Traveller 






Diomede 


Thomastown 


brig Ceres 






Lawrence 


Portland 


ship Cod Hook 






Diomede 


Castine 


sch'r Vittoria 






Hero 


Charleston 


ship Joachim 






Caroline 


do. 


-ch'r Rob. Hartweli 






Hera 


Newbern 


'nig Liddelle 




16 


Amelia 


made a cartel 


brig Jesrie 


6 


20 


do. 


burnt 


*ch r Ann 




1U 


do. 


made a cartei 


two vessels 






Hero 


ransomed 


sch'r Octavia 






Harrison 


Charleston 


brig Little Fox 






sloop Frolicf 


destroyed 


schooner — 






do. 


do. 


sch'r Funchell 






Hero 


Newbern 


shipLon Packet 


18 




Chasseur 


Portsmouth 


brig Astrea 


14 




Midas 


Savannah 


privateer Dash 


4 


40 


do. 


do. 


sch'r Union 






Amelia 


ransomed 


G B. Black Snake* 


1 


20 barge 


Sackett's Har. 


ship Friendship 






Revenge 


destroyed 


sch'r Alert 






do. 


do. 


sch'r Active 






Fairy 


do. 


sch'r Mary Ann 






Revenge 


made a cartel 


brig Lord Nelson 






Zebec Ultor 


burnt 


-ch'r Nancy 






do. 


do. 


schooner — 






do. 


do. 


sch'r Sambo 






do. 


do. 


schooner — 






do. 


made a carte! 



452 


APPENDIX. 




1018-101? 


two vessels 


I j Yankee Porlland 


3020 


ship St. Jose 




do. 


do. 


1021 


privateer Amnesty ] 


24 


Zebec Ultor 1 


mrnt 


1022 


sloop Tickler 




do. 


IVilmingtoC 


1023 


sch'r Rambler 




Perry 


do. 


1024 


sch'r Fairy 1 


1 


do. 


do. 


3025 


sch'r Balaboo* 


350 


do. 


do. 


1026-1043 


eighteen vessels 




do. 


lestroyed 


1044 


ship Friendship 




Herald 


\V T ilmington 


1045 


bomb vessel* 




Chauncey's gigf 


^resque Isle 


1046 


ship Hugh Jones 




Yankee 


Bristol 


1047 


sch'r Fox 




Surprize 


nade a cartel 


3048 


brig David 




do. 


lestroyed 


1049 


brig Fidelity 




do. 


mrnt 


1050 


tender* 


113 


Gun Boat No. 88 


Portsmoulh 


1051 


sch'r Ellen 


Herald 


Beaufort 


3052 


brig Duke of York 




Gen. Armstrong 


burnt 


1053 


sloop George 




do. 


do. 


1054 


brig Swift 




do. 


inade a cartel 


1055 


brig Defiance 




do. 


burnt 


1056 


brig Friendship 




do. 


do. 


1057 


brig Stag 




do. 


do. 


1058 


ship Dorcas 




do. 


link 


3059 


sloop Henrietta 




do. 


Egg Harbor 


3060 


ship Berry Castle 


6 


Yankee 


ransomed 


3061 


sch'r Linnet 




Snap Dragon 


Newbern 


3062 


sch'r James 




do. 


burnt 


3063-1068 


six vessels 




Prin Neufchatel 


France 


1069 


tender* 


ip !N London mil 


New London 


3070 


ship Melville* 1 


450 


Fort Niagara 


blown up 


3071 


brig — 




Rambler 


ransomed 


1072-1073 


brig &. schooner 




biig Rattlesnake-] 


Mink 


3074 


brig Fortitude 




Surprize 


Union 


3075 


sch'r Geo. Canning 




Gen. Armstrong 


Thomastown 


3076 


ship P:zarro 




Midas 


Savannah 


3077 


Espiraoza 




do. 


do. 


1078 


ibrig Elsinore 




do. 


do. 


3079108* 


four vessels 




Harrison 


ransomed 


3083 


schooner — 




do 


Amelia 


3084 


brig Betsey 




York 


Boston 


3085 


ship Alfred 




Harpey 


Wilmington 


3086 


ship Antonio 




do. 


do. 


•3087-1088 


i wo brigs 




do. 


burnt 


1089 


sch'r Henry 




Saratoga 


New Bedford 


1090 


packet Elizabeth-: I 


141 


Harpey 


ransomed 


1091 


ship Hero 


j 


Ida 


Hyannia 


3092 


Coun'ss of Hercourt 


6^0 


Sabine 


Wilmington 


1093 


packet Landraile* 


4U3 


Syren 


New York 


1094-1095 


two vessels 


1 


do. 


destroy eO. 


!09.6-jl03 


fourteen vessels 




Gov. Tompkins 


burnt 





APPENDIX. 


45 


1110 


brig Betsey &. Mary 




Kemp 


burnt 


mi 


ship Calypso 




do 


•riven up 


1112 


■ma; Caledonia 




do 


ransomed 


1113 


or. New Frederick 




do 


do 


1U4 


sch'r. Contract 




Roger 


Wilmington 


1115 


transport Doris* 


4 r,b 


Grampus 


Marblehead 


1116 


ship Hoppet 




Saucy Jack 


Savannah 


1117 


brig Bliza 




do 


do 


1118-1119 


two ships 




brig Syrenf 


burnt 


1120 


barge* 




StoDoington Mi!. 


S r onnington 


1121 


schooner 




a barge 


do 


1122 


ship James 




Portsmouth 


Portsmouth 


1123 


sch'r Mary 




Shark 


New Orleans 


1124 


brig Hunter ' 


20 


corvette Adamsf 


sunk 


1125 


brig Mary 




do 


do 


1126 


sch'r. Favorite 




do 


do 


1127 


ship Paris 




do 


do 


1128 


sch'r Maria 




do 


sunk 


H29 


brig Wirraan 




Yankee 


Hyannis 


1130 


Cutter Wasp 




Rattlesnake 


burnt 


1131 


brig Dover 




do 


do 


1132 


brig Pickle 




Pike 


do 


1133 


schooner 




do 


made a cartel 


1134 


sch-r. Industri. Bee 




do 


burnt 


1135 


sch'r. Venus 




do 


do 


1136 


sch'r. Lord Nelson 




do 


do 


1137 


sch'r. Hope 




do 


do 


1138 


sch'r. Jane 


230 


do 


made a carte! 


1139 


brig Orient 




do 


sunk 


lUO 


brig John 




do 


burnt 


1141 


br Kingston Packet 




Fox 


Portland 


ll 42-1143 


two vessels 




Herald 


Ocracoke 


1144 


sh. Sam Cumming- 




Pike 


wrecked 


]145 


ship Five Sisters 




Dash 


ransomed 


1146 


Barque Neptune 




sloop Waspf 


destroyed 


1147 


brig William 




do 


do 


1148 


brig Pallas 


2 


do 


do 


1149 


galliot Henrietta 




do 


made a cartel 


1150 


ship Orange Borer 


8 


do 


destroyed 


1151 


brig Regulator 




do 


do 


1152 


sch'r. Jenny 




do 


do 


1 153 


sloop Reindeer* 2 


1 118 


do 


burnt 


1154 


schooner 




Leach 


ransomed 


1155 


brig 




Hero 


Newbern 


1156 


brig Mars 




David Porter 


Boston 


1157 


brig Cornwallis 




do 


made a cartel 


115 3 


ship Vester 


6 


do 


Boston 


1159 


brig Horatia 




do 


ransomed 


1 160 


ship Luldle 




Amelia 


|maile a cartel 


1161 


ship Jesse 




do 


burnt 



454 


APPENDIX. 




41 

1162 


transport Mink* 




j ship Lavvrencef 


Erie 


1163 


ran. Perseverance* 






do. 


destroyed 


1164 


sch'r Nancy* 


3 


20 


do. 


do. 


1165 


rans. Endeavor* 






Surprize 


do. 


1166 


efrttef Jubilee 






Whig 


made a cartel 


1167 


sch'r Alexandria 






do. 


burnt 


1163 


!)ri<T Itisb Miner 






do. 


made a cartel 


1169 


brig Mary 






do. 


destroyed 


1170 


brig Eliza 






do. 


made a cartel 


1171 


■sch'r Esperance 






do. 


sunk 


1172 


ship London 






do. 


do. 


1173 


ship Postethwell 






do. 


do. 


1174 


brig Nancy 






Portsmouth 


Portland 


1175 


doop . 






do. 


nade a carte! 


1176 


ship Detroit* 


21 




C. Perry'd fleetf 


Put in Bay 


1177 


-hip Q Charlotte* 


18 




do. 


do. 


1178 


brig Lady Prevost* 


14 




do. 


do. 


1179 


>rig Hunter* 


10 




do. 


do. 


1180 


sloop Little Belt* 


3 




do. 


do. 


3181 


sch'r Chippeway* 


3 




do. 


do. 


3182 


P. Confiance* 


.39 


300 


M'D ouo's fleetf 


Plattsbargh 


1183 


orig Linnet* 


16 


120 


do. 


do. 


3184 


sloop Chub* 


il 


40 


do. 


do. 


1185 


doop Finch* 


1 1 


40 


do. 


do. 


1186-1138 


I Gun Boats* 


6 


127 


do. 


sunk 


1189 


ransport Farmer* 






Mam mouth 


do. 


1190 


'irig Britannia 






do. 


do. 


1191-1193 


"hree brigs 






do. 


burnt 


1194 


:>r Fortune of War 


3 


40 


Gun Boatsf 


Sapelo 


1195 


ship Corontandel 


a 


66 


York 


Baltimore 


1196 


brig Cyrus 






do. 


made a cartel 


1197 


doop Regulator 






do. 


Chatham 


1198 


brigQ Charlotte 






Surprize 


destroyed 


1199 


ship Milne.s 


a 


15 


do. 


burnt 


1200 


brig Lively 






do. 


do. 


1201 


-chV P. Regent 






do. 


do. 


1202 


ship Dorris 






do. 


do. 


1203 


brig Willing Maid 






do. 


do. 


1204 


brig Polly 


4 


15 


do. 


do. 


1205 


sch'r Sally 






do. 


do. 


1206 


privateer Lively 


1 


17 


do. 


Salem 


1207 


ship Caledonia 






do. 


ransomed 


1208 


brig Eagle 






do. 


do. 


1209 


brig Traveller 




100 


do. 


made a cartel 


1210 


brig Wellington 


-') 


15 


do. 


do. 


1211 


brig Eliza 




82 


do. 


do. 


1212 


sch'r Ann 






do. 


Salem 


1213 


transport Stranger* 


66 


20 


Fox 


do. 


1214-1216 


three vessels 






Spark 


given up 


•'2! 7 


Ketch Expedition 






Grampus 


New- York 



APPENDIX. 



4-56 



1218 
1219 

1220 

1221 

1222 

1223 

1224 

1225 

1226 

1227 

1228 

1229-1 

1231 

1232 

1233 

1234. 

1235 

1236 

1237 

1238 

1239 

1240 

1241 

1242 

1243 

1244 

1245 

1246 

1247 

1248 

1249 

1250 

1251 

1252 

1253 

1254 

1255 

1256 

1258 

1259 

1260-1! 

1266 

12C7 

1268 

3 2b9 

1270 

1271 

3272 

1273 

1274 



3-1257 



sch'r Charlotte Ann 
sch'r William 
brig Eclipse 
brig Catherine 
sch'r Retrieve 
packet Leith* 
sch'r WiMiam&.Auri 
be. Peggy &- Ann 
Cutter Fy ing Fish 
brig Aaron 
brig Harvest 
(wo vessels 
brig Steady 
sch'r James 
brig Coaliers 
brig Harmony 
brig Elizabeth 
*hip — 

Princess Mary 
sch'r Eliza 
brig Stranger 
sch'r— 
hip Hermes* 
sloop Jane 
brig Tritor 
trans, ship Aaron* 
brig Apollo 
Cutter Gen. Doylt 
sloop George 
br. Boswick Packet 
brig Sibron 
brig Nymph 
brig Albion 
ship Harmony 
brig Charlotte 
brig Mary Ann 
brig Douglas 
Launches* 
one do. do. 
ship Neptune 
6 transports* 
sch'r Ann 
brig Susan 
ship James 
')ii£C Jane 
sch'r— 

transport 6loop* 
brig Avon* 
'lri^; Concord 
brig Speculation 



14 



•28 

4 



175 



65 



10 



Surprize 
Viper 
Chasseur 
Grampus 
Fox 
sloop Peacockf 
do. 
do. 
Sabine 
do. 
York 
Green 



[84 

20 



Prin.Neufchattel 

do. 

Amelia 

do. 

do. 

do. 

Whig 

do. 

sloop Peacockf 

Leach 

Mobile Fort 

Prin. Neufchattel 

do. 

do 

do 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

Amelia 



ISaco 
[Salem 
New York 
wrecked 
burnt 

do. 

do. 

do. 
Saco 

do. 
Machias 
destroyed 



22;l.^(i 



burnt 

do. 
do. 
made a cartel 
burnt 
Baltimore 
burnt 

made a cartel 
burnt 
ransomed 
blown up 
burnt 
sunk 

i\o. 

do. 

do. 

do. 
made a cartel 
unk 

made a cartel 
burnt 

ransomed J 
burnt 

do. 
Nantucket 

do. 
unk 
New- York 



Chaunceys Gigf Sacketts|Harbor 
her own crew Machias 



Fox 
Portsmouth 
Dash 
Leo 
brig Eaglef 
ship Waspf 

Siro 
Grampm 



burnt 

Portsmouth 
ransomed 
Wilmington 
Pittsburgh 
sunk 

made a cnrW 
do 



456 



APPENDIX, 



>r.6ir Jn.Sherbroke 
-itiip Adventurer 
hip Fanner 
;c.h'r Ann &. Eliza 
hip Urania 
tup Anisba 
brig Eliza 
hip Dobson 
snip Sallust 
sloop Christianna 
brig Prudence 
sloop Favorite 
brig Cornwallis 
brig Alert 
irig Harmony 
Ihip Carlbury 
brig Seaflower 
brig Stranger 
sloop Fortitude 
brig Wnus 
brig Diana 
sloop L^ith Packet 
br. VVilliam &. Ann 
brig Peggy &. Jane 
barque William 
ship Sir Ed. Peliew 
brig Bellona 
brig Tritton 
brig Duck 
hip Mary 

pr.thinksltomyself 
;ch'r Britannia 
orig Halifax Packet 
brig Harvest 
sch'r Prince Regent 
liriva. Retaliation 
brig Commerce 
sloop Farmer 
brig Britannia 
sch'r Two Brothers 
brig Ann-Eliza 
brig Uniza 
brig Ansley 
)rig Sarah 
brig Sir H. Popham 
sch'r Rapid 
ship Champion 
I- 1323 two vessels 

schr. Thomas 
«-h'r Good Intent 



8 


Syren 




brig Syrenf 




Mammoth 




do. 




do. 




do. 




do. 




do. 




do. 


50 


Chasseur 




do. 




do. 


,00 


do. 




do. 


43 


do. 




do. 


4 10 


ship Peacockf 


8 20 


do. 




do. 




do. 


6 20 


do. 




do. 


10 40 


do. J 




do. 




do. 


4 20 


do. 


11 


do. 


10 


do. 


14 


do. 


15 


do. 


2 20 


Dash 


19 


Harpy 


40 


do. 




York 




Dash 


5 20 


Two Friends 




Chasseur 




Mammoth 




do. 


50 


do. 




do. 




do. 




do. 




do. 




do. 




do. 


GC 


do. 




do. 


4( 


i do. 


41 


do 



burnt 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
made a cartel 

burnt 

made a cartel 

do. 

bur n t 

do. 

made a cartel 

burnt 

made a cartel 

Baltimore 

destroyed 

do. 

do. 

do. 

made a cartel 

destroyed 

do. 

do. 

do. 

made a cartel 

destroyed 

do. 

do. 

do. 

Portland 

burnt 

Portsmouth 

do. 

Portland 

Barnstable 

Charleston 

sunk 

burnt 

made a cartel 

burnt 

do. 

scuttled 

burnt 

do. 

do. 

made a cartel 

destroyed 
made a cartel 
do 



APPENDIX. 


46 


[brig Joseph 




jl02j Mammoih 


made a cartel 


brig Eliza 






do. 


given up 


,ch'r— 






Cus. House barge 


Camden 


brig Alalanta 






sloop Waspf 


Savannah 


brig Europa 


10 


22 


Petapsco 


Wilmington 


brig Canada 


id 




Lawrence 


do. 


sch'r Fox* 


2 


25 


by her own crerv 


Newbem 


brig William 






Chasseur 


do. 


brig Lulice 




7 


sloop Waspf 


burnt 


brig Bon Accord 




7 


do. 


sunk 


transport Mary* 


2 


10 


do. 


burnt 


brig Three Brothers 




7 


do. 


do. 


brig Bacchus 


2 


11 


do. 


do. 


ship Ann Dorothy 






Saratoga 


Boston 


brig Hiram 






David Porter 


ransomed 


brig Na::cy 






Scourge 


LNew-York 


ship Lord Hood 






do. 


burnt 


brig Belfield 






do. 


do. 


brig Susan &. James 




Fox 


do. 


sch'r Retrieve 






do. 


do. 


brig Concord 






do. 


made a carte! 


brig Cossac 






Surprize 


Boston 


sch'r Pink 






Grand Turk 


sunk 


brig Brothers 






do. 


do. 


brig Belgrade 




50 


do. 


made a cartel 


brig Robert Stewart 




do. 


burnt 


sch'r Commerce 






do. 


do. 


sch'r Mary 






Surprize 


sunk 


sch'r Bird 






Grand Turk 


Salem 


trans, ship Ocean* 






Gen Putnam 


do. 


sch'r Georgiana 






Grand Turk 


do. 


sloop — 






Scorpion 


do. 


sch'r — 






do. 


sunk 


sch'r Eugene 






Midas 


do. 


sch'r Stringer 






do. 


do. 


sch'r Betsey &t Jane 




Cadet 


Thomastown 


brig- 






Jonquille. 


ransomed 


sloop — 






Saucy Jack 


do. 


sch'r Mary 






do. 


do. 


sch. Kings tonPacket 






do. 


made a tender 


sloop Cyrus 






Packet tender 


burnt 


sloop Jane 






Saucy Jack 


made a cartel 


ship Amelia 


IV 


40 


do. 


burnt 


sch'r Weasel 






do. 


St. Mary's 


sch'r Jane 






do. 


Savannah 


brig Louisa 






Macedonian 


aurnt 


brig Britannia 






do. 


do. 


ship Sir Ed Pellew 


o 


19 


do. 


sunk 


sch'r Mariner 




22 


do. 


made a carte! 


ceh'r — 






Resolution 


Charleston 


58 











1376 

1377 

1378 

1379 

1380 

1381 

1382-1383 

1384 

1385 

1386 

1387 

1388 

1389 

1390 

1391 

1392 

1393 

1394 

1395 

1396 

1397 

1398 

1399 

1400 

1401 

1402 

1403 

1404 

1405 

1406 

1407 

1408 

1409 

1410 

1411 

1412 

1413 

1414 

1415 

1416 

1'117 

1418 

1419 

1420 

1 \i 1 
1422 
! 423 
1 424 

2 'J26 



APPENDIX. 




brig S. B. 


2 12 


Kemp 


Charleston 


ship Ros.bell 


16 


35 


do. 


do. 


brig Pon'sea 


8 


26 


do. 


do. 


ship Princess 


2 


14 


do. 


do. 


sch'r — 






Young Wasp 


Ocracoke 


sch'r Hazard 






Surprize 


burnt 


two vessels 






do. 


made cartel'' 


sch'r Mary 






do. 


burnt 


trig Courtney 






Yankee 


Pairhaven 


<ch'r Polly 






Dash 


Boston 


seh'r Swift 






Expedition 


Machias 


ship Amiable 






Roger 


Wilmington 


sch'r— 






Hero 


Beaufort 


transport shipf 






Fort Bowyer 


Mobile 


sch'r Mary- Ann 






Cadet 


Thomastown 


sch'r St. John 






Jonquilla 


ransomed 


<ch'r— 






do. 


made a cartel 


brig Gen. Mai (land 






Dash 


Portsmouth 


■iioop Mary 






do. 


made a cartel 


-ch'r— 






Fame 


Thomastown 


sch'r Peggy 






Caroline 


made a cartel 


sloop Eliza 






do. 


<unk 


sch'r Mariner 






do. 


made a cartel 


brig Stephen 


14 


30 


do. 


do. 


sloop Trinidad 






Jonquilla 


burnt 


brig Equity 






Orlando 


Boston 


br Lord Wellington 






Diamond 


.riven up 


brig Margaret 






Young Wasp 


Philadelphia 


ship Hero 


}-\ 


27 


I no 


Boston 


brig Coliers 






Amelia 


burnt 


sch'r Nancy 






do. 


ransomed 


brig Harmony 






do. 


made a carte i 


trans. Elizabeth* 




30 


do. 


burnt 


sch'r Neptune 


8 


18 


do. 


ransomed 


ketch Caroline 




10 


do. 


do. 


brig Susannah 




21 


do. 


made a cartel 


sch'r Mary 


16 


22 


do. 


Philadelphia 


brig Pallas 


8 


21 


do. 


do. 


ship Gen.Wellesley 


8 


86 


Yankee 


wrecked 


brig- 






Paul Jones 


Portsmouth 


Cutter Eliza 




106 


Lawrence 


made a cartel 


brig Good Intent 






do. 


burnt 


Cutter Dart 






do. 


do. 


brig Christian 






do. 


do. 


sch'r Atalanta 






du. 


do. 


br Lord Wellington 






Expedition 


do. 


ketch Expedition 






do. 


wrecked 


sch'r Gobi Finder 






Young Wasp 


Elizabeth City 


transport:;- 




250 


Cadet & S. Jack 


wrecked 


sloopGor . Hodgdon 






Dash 


^iven up 



APPJvNDJX. 



4** 



1 427 brig Only Son 

1428 tender* 

1429 transport* 

1430 -ihipJane 

1431 twig Win. Neilson 

1432 sch'r Nine Sisters 

1433 brig Louisa 

1434 ship Win. &. Alfred 

1435 transport Jant-f 

1436 brig Courtney 

1437 ship St. Andrew 

1438 brig Speculator 

1439 brig Patriot 

1440 brig Dantzic 

1441 tenders 

1442 transport Cyrus* 
l443-1449seven transports* 

1450 brig Peter 

1451 brig John 

1452 brig Nancy 

1453 sch'r— 

1454 ship William 

1455 brig — 

1456 sch'r — 

1457 ship Mary 

1458 tender sch'r Brent* 

1459 brig — 

1460 sloop Enterprize 

1461 brig Brunswick 

1462 sch'r Britannia 

1463 brig Race Horse 

1464 sch'r Mary 

1465 Isch'r Good Intent 

1466 sch'r Nancy 

1467 sch'r Hazard 

1468 sch'r Sea Flower 

1469 sch'r Lucy- Ann 

1470 brig Forth 

1471 ship Star 
1472-1473 two vessels 

1474 ship — 

1475 brig Athill 

1476 sch'r George 

1477 brig William 
1*78 brig— 

1479 brig Susanna 

1480 brig Flying Fish 

1481 ship Corona 

1 482 [pack Lady Pelham 
:483 brig Sarah 



10 
36 



20 

12 

118 



14 



26 



8 
101 40 



Dash 
Bargef 
N.Orleans militir 
Harpey 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do 
Yankee 
do. 
do. 
Brutus 
Paul Jones 
Virginia militia 
Loh. N Orleansf 
3 Launches! 
Lawrence 
Perry 
do. 
Warrior 
Charles Stewart 
Harrison 
do. 
Little George 
Boatsf 
Kemp 
Whig 
do. 
do. 
do. 
Surprize 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
Roger 
Ranger 
Lawrence 
David Porter 
Lawrence 
Champlain 
Sine qua non 
David Porter 
Chasseur 
Kemp 
Warrior 



iven up 
••harkston 
;urnt 
do. 
made a cartel 
)urnt 
ansomed 

do. 
made a cartel 
ransomed 

do. 
nade a cartel 
Charleston 
Ylachias 
Norfolk 
burnt 

Lake Borgne 
Beaufort 
Baltimore 
made a cartel 
wrecked 

Bath 
ransomed 

do. 
Marblebead 
Charleston 
Ocracoke 
nade a cartel 
burnt 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
made a cartel 
burnt 
Baltimore 
burnt 
do. 
France 

made a cartel 
Beaufort 
Portsmouth 

do. 
New-Bedford 
Wilmington 

do. 
unk 



460 


Art'ENDlX. 




1484 


brig Ly Troubridge 8 


I no 


burnt 


1485 


sbip Mary &. Susar 


Chasseur 


Savannah 


1486 


sch'r Arrow 


America 


Salem 


14a 7 


sloop St.Lawreuce* 14 


85 Chasseur 


made a carle. 


1488 


ship Adventure 


do. 


Charleston 


1489 


sch'r Robert 


America 


destroyed 


1490 


sloop Jubilee 


do. 


do. 


149! 


sch'r Hope 


do. 


Salem 


1492 


ship Emulation 


Syren 


Gracioso 


1493 


schooner — 


Macdonough 


burnt 


1494 


sch'r Ceres 


Reindeer 


do. 


1495 


sch'r William 


do. 


do. 


1493 


sloop Unify 


do. 


made a carle i 


1497 


brig Daphne 2 


do. 


ransomed 


1498 


br Crown Prince 


Portsmouth 


Sedgwick 


1499 


transport Juno* 


do. 


made a cartel 


1500 


brig Ocean 


do. 


Durnt 


1501 


brig Langton 


do. 


ransomed 


1502 


brig Adeoua 


America 


Salem 


1503 


sch'r Sultan 


Morgiana 


Wilmington 


1504 


brig Sarah 


Warrior 


burnt 


1505 


brig Legal Tender 


David Porter 


Machias 


1506 


brig — 


Prin. NeufchatteJ 


sunk 


1507 


'hip Antiguia 


Fox 


Portsmouth 


1508 


ihip Limerick 


Morgiana 


New-York 


1509 


brig Helen 


do. 


do. 


1510 


brig Piutus 


YoMng Wasp 


^iven up 


i5n 


sbip Mary Ann 


do. 


do. 


1512 


brig Lord Duncan 


Morgiana 


burnt 


1513 


brii> Cossac 6 


do 


made a carte'i 


1514 


;h'r Resolution 


Kemp 


Beaufort 


1515 


loop — 


do. 


iiven up 


1516 


hip Otway g 


do. 


ransomed 


1517 


»"g— 1 8 


IS do. 


do. 


1518 


brig Alexander 


Leo 


wrecked 


1519 


brig Eagle 


Lawrence 


do. 


1520 


jrig Susannah 


P. Constitmionf 


STew-Yoris 


1521 


Oi ig Lord Nelson 


do. 


burnt 


1522 


ship Arabella 


Rambler 


Vlacoa 


1523 


brig Madeira 


do. 


given up 


1524 


ship Anne 4 ; 


>5 Zebec Ultor 


New- York 


1525 


>ch'r Perseverance 


do. 


burnt 


1526 


*irig John 


do. 


do. 


1527 


>r Maria- ArrabeIJa 


do. 


do. 


1528 


■loop Twins 


do. 


do. 


1529 


.loop L'Esperance 


do. 


do. 


1530 


<loop Constitution 


do. 


i\0. 


1531 


jrig Mohawk 


do. 


Saltimoio, 


1532 


hip- 


Avon 


ansomed 


»533 t 


hip- 


Jacob Jones 


do. 



APPENDIX. 



-m 



;534 

1535 

1536 

1537 

1538 

1539 

1540 

1541 

1542 

1543 

1544 

1545-1546 

1547 

1548 

1549 

1550 

1551 

1552 

1553 

1554 

1555 

1556 

1557 

1558 

1559 

1560 

1561 

1562 

1563 

1564 

1565 

1566 

1567 

1568 

1569 

1570 

1571 

1572 

1573 

1574 

1575 

1576 

1577 

1578 

1579 

1580 

1581 

1582 

3 583 

!584 



frigate Cyane* 

brig Baltic 
loop Busy 

sch'r Black Joke 

sloop Euterprize 

pack. sh. Elizabeth 

sch'r Patriot 

pilot Boat 

ch'r Ontario 

•hip William 

ship Hero 
two sch'rs 
brig — 

brig Resolution 
brig Ranger 
sch'r Peggy 
ship Contineneia 
ship King George 
sch'r Two Brothers 
ship Commerce 

hip Diana 
brig Concord 

hip — 
ship Ned 

loop Brothers 
sch'r Sally 
brig John 

ch'r Robin 
sloop Caroline 
brig Ann 
ship Mentor 
brig Antrim 
brig Emma 

ch'r Betsey 

h. RalphNickerson 

loop — 

sloop Earl Camden 
brig Elizabeth 
brig Watson 
brig Mariner 
-chr — 
ship Grotius 
brig Jane Gordon 
^ch'r Hunter 

ch'r Susan 
sch'r Vigilant 
brig Maria 

ch'r Falcon 
brig Jane 
sloop Little Pho?uix 



34 



10 



1 75 frig.Consf itutionf N ew- York 
Grand Turk wrecked 
America burnt 
do. do. 

do. made a carte! 

do. do. 

Rev Cut. Jeffer'n Norfolk 
Custom House Eastport 
N. Y. Militia ;St Vincents 



20 



10 



10 



10 



16 



If- 



15 



20 



brig Vixenf 
Teazcr 
Buskin 
Paul Jones 
Nancy 
Matilda 
Wiley Reynard 
. Wasp 
Esscxf 
United we stanc 
' Decatur 
do. 
Marengo 
Industry 
Revenge 
Saucy Jack 
Gen. Washington 
Benj. Franklin 
Revenge 
Retaliation 
Growler 
Jack's Favorite 
do. 

Holkar 
18 A Frisoners 
America 
Ontario 
Yankee 
do. 
do. 
do. 
Saucy Jack 
Frolic 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
F. Presidentf 
do. 
Cordelia 
do. 



jNew York 

Machias 

Salem 

Norfolk 

Portland 

Philadelphia 

Portland 

Charleston 

Boston 

Newport 

Portland 

do. 
New York 
Marblehead 
Salem 
Charleston 

do. 

do. 
Portland 
New- York 
Salem 
New Orleans 

do. 
Newport 
Campeachy 
Salem 

Sacket's Harbor 
France 

do. 

do. 

do. 
given up 
Salem 
burnt 
made a cartel 

do. 
ransomed 
France 
do. 
burnt 
do. 



462 


APPENDIX. 




2585 


sloop 1 ame 


\ Cordelia 


burnt 


1586 


sloop Chance 




do. 


do. 


3587 


sch'r Deep Nine 






do. 


made a cartel 


1588 


sloop Watt 






do. 


do. 


1589 


si. Charming Eliza 






do. 


sunk 


1590 


sloop Jamaica 






do. 


do. 


1591 


sch'r Phoenix 






do. 


made a cartel 


1592 


brig Marquis 






Yankee 


New Bedford 


1593 


brig Concord 






Rattlesnake 


Norway 


1594 


sch'r — 






F. Essexf 


?unk 


1595 


Tender* 






Virginia Militia 


Norfolk 


1596 


ship Barclay 






F. Essexf 


Peru 


1597 


ship Ashum 






T.Blood Yankee 


France 


1598 


brig Trident 






Scourge 


burnt 


1599 


brig Haddock 






do. 


do. 


1600 


sch'r Columbia 






Portsmouth 


Newburyporfc 


1601 


brig Fire Fly- 






Sabine 


Wilmington 


1602 


brig Mary 






Argo 


burnt 


1603 


sch'r Eliza 






Portsmouth 


Ylachias 


1604 


brig Argo 






Surprize 


Portland 


1605 


brig- 






Grampus 


do. 


1606 


trans. Lord Keith 


4 




Mars 


Newport 


1607 


brig Penguin* 22 1 82 Hornetf 


sunk 



Total, guns 3083. — 1 1797 mm. 



APPEND1K. 463 



BIDDLE'S VICTORY. 

Copy of a Lftltr from Captain Biddle to Commodore. Decatur, doled 
U. Slates' Sloop Hornet, off Trislan'd Acunka, March 25, 1815. 

ji 

SIR — I have the honor to inform, (hat on the morning of the 28d 
inst at half past ten, when about to anchor, off the north end of the 
island of Tristan'd Acunha, a sail was seen to the southward and east- 
ward, steering to the westward, the wind fresh from the S. S. W. In 
a few minutes she had passed on to the westward so that we eould not 
See her for the land. I immediately made sail to the westward, and 
shortly after getting sight of her again, perceived her to bear up before 
the wind. I hove too for him to come down to us. — When she had ap- 
proached near, ( filled the maintopsail, and continued to yaw the ship, 
while she continued to come down ; wearing occasionally to prevent her 
passing under our stern. At 1 40 P. M. being nearly within muskei 
shot distance, she hauled her wind on the starboard tack, hoisted Eng- 
lish colors, and fired a gun. We immediately luffed too, hoisted our 
ensign and gave the enemy a broadside. The action being thus com- 
menced, a quick and well directed fire was kept up from this ship, the 
enemy gradually drifting nearer to us, when at lh 55m, he bore up, ap- 
parently to run us on board. As soon as I perceived he would certainly 
fall on board, I called the boarders so as to be ready to repel any attempt 
to board us. At the instant every officer and man repaired to the 
quarter deck, where the two vessels were coming in contact, and eager- 
ly pressed me to permit them to board the enemy : but this I would not 
permit, as it was evident from the commencement of the action that onr 
fire was greatly superior both in quickness and in effect. The enetny ? s 
bowsprit came in between our main and mizen rigging, on our starboard 
side, affording him an opportunity to board us, if such was his design, 
but no attempt was made. There was a considerable swell on. and as 
the sea lifted us ahead, the enemy's bowsprit carried away our mizen 
shrouds, stern davits and spanker boom, and he hung upon our larboard 
quarter. At this moment an officer, who was afterwards recognize-* to 
be Mr. M'DouoId, the first lieutenant, and the then commanding officei. 
called out that they had surrendered. I directed the marines and mus- 
ketry men to cease firing, and, while on the taffrail asking if they had 
surrendered, 1 received a wound in the neck. The enemy just then 
got clear of us, and his foremast and bowsprit being both gone, and per- 
ceiving us wearing to give him a fresh broadside, he again called on! 
that he had surrendered. It was with difficulty 1 could restrain my 
crew from firing into him again as he had certainly fired into us after 
having surrendered. From the firing of the first gun, to the last rftne 
the enemy cried out he hail surrendered, was exactly 22 minutes by the 
watch She proved to be H. B. M brig Penguin, mounting sixteen 32 
3b. carronades, two long 12's, a twelve lb. carronade on the top gallam 
forecastle, with swivels on the copsfern and in the tops. She had & 
spare port forward) so p« to fight both >•<- r long gu«s of a %ioV. 



4(54 APPENDIX. 

ed from England in September last. She is in all respects, n remark- 
ably fine vessel of her class. The enemy acknowledge a complement 
of 182 men ; 12 of them supernumerary marines from the Medway 74. 
They acknowledge, also, a loss of 14 killed, and 28 wounded ; but Mr. 
Mayo, who was in charge of the prize, assures ine that the number of 
killed was certainly greater. Among the killed is Captain Dickenson, 
who fell at the close of the action, and the boatswain ; among the woun- 
ded, is the second lieurenant, purser, and two midshipmen. Each of 
the midshipmen lost a leg. Having removed the prisoners, and taken 
on board such provisions and stores as would be useful to us, I scuttled 
the Penguin, this morning before day-light, and she went down. As 
B he was completely riddled by our shot, her foremast and bowsprit both 
gone, and her mainmast so crippled as to be incapable of being secured, 
it seemed unadvisable, at this distance from home, to attempt sending 
her to the United States. 

This ship did not receive a single round shot in her hull, nor any ma- 
terial wound in her spars ! the rigging and sails were very much cut ; 
but having bent a new suit of sails and knotted and secured our rigging, 
we are now completely ready, in all respects, for any service. We 
were eight men short of complement, and had nine upon the sick list 
the morning of the action Enclosed is a list of killed and wounded 

I have the honor to be, &x. J. BIDDLE. 

AMERICAN LOSS. 

Killed, 1 —Wounded, 11. 

BRITISH bOsS. 

Killed, 14.— Wounded, 28. 

note — The above Victory rvas not received in time to be inserted in ifr 
igropn place. 






SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. 



Albany (N. Y) 
Jacob B Angus 
Wm. Adams 
Wm. Anderson 
John Black 
Moses Blakeman 
Edward Bulkley 
Gaius Clark 
L. P. Crary 
Alvin Crettenden 
Ann Y. Carlow 
Elijah S Carpenter 
Joshua Dresser 
Joseph Denison 
Jacob Duessler 
Solomon Enders 
Samuel Emery 
Timothy Fletcher 
Wm H Fowler 
Wm. Forman 
Ranssellear Gansevort 
John Groat 
Z Galusha 
J P. Gould 
S. W Goodwin 
Eleazer Hull 
Gersham Hinckley 
Francis Janes 
Stephen Janes 
MW Johnson 
David Johnson 
Sarah Ann Johnson 
AsaL. Johnson 
P. W. Joraleman 
James Lewis 
David Lynch 
John M'Farran 
James Nutts 
Benj. Ostrander 
Merchant Price 
Samuel Parsons 



Charles Rice 
Joseph Fobbing 

P S Van Rcnsellear 
Josiah Smith 
J. H Sturtevant 
S. B. Sherwood 
Elisha Tripp 
Henry Turner 
Aaron Tyler 
Richard Thomas 
John Trotter 
Charles Vandorvoort 
Harvey Williams 
J A. Wemple 
James Warren 
Samuel L White 
[Win. Wood 
James Winchester 
Eli Wadsworth 

Bradford {Pa) 
Samuel Dunham 
Jonah Fox 
Jonathan Pease 
Benj. Shoemaker 

Bozrah 
George W Jillson 

Berlin 
Wm. Steele 

Bolton 
Henry S Tucker 

Binghamton,N Y. 
Harlow Barnaby 
^Aurora Burrell 

| S. Cloze 

James M'Kenny 
David H. Peas 
Tracy Robinson 
Henry T Shipman 

Bristol 
James Hart 
Orrin Bronson 
59 



Boookfield 
Vmon Dibble 
1 liadeus Gray 
It i-hen Gregory 
f \V r ileman 

Berkshire 
-aac Keeler 
lohnson Tuttle 

Bethlehem N Y. 
Joseph Babcock — 11 
^ oios Bailey 
ilijah Comsfock 
Phomaa Carhart 
farvis Streeter 
'aul Wealherbee 

Coventry 
I Ripley 

ColumJna 
VI osely Brewster 
Jt'sse Newcomb 

Chatham 
George Gates 

Cairo N Y. 
Charles P. H well 
.Nathaniel Stone 

Chenango N Y. 
Mason Whiting 
Canaan 
Wm. Bailey 

Chatham N. Y, 
James Barnes 
Cornelius Kesler 
\ E. Mosher 
Wm. Peterson 
Daniel Travies 

Coeymens N. Y, 
Zirnry Betts 
.odrew Barger 
■^ephen Coverts jr 
Nathan Coleman 
Robert Martin jr- 



4M> 



SUBSCRIBERS NAMES. 



Simeon Puffer 

Jacob Randall 

John Row 

David Springstcd Jr. 

Eii Stewart 

Jesse Smith 

A I) Schermerhorn 

Ira Si. iik ins 

Israel Srtears 

Jacob J Schermerhorn 

i I'eneyck 

Tii >mas Wdbec 
James Waldron 
Danbury. 
Isra*?! Amb.t r 
Lemuel W. Benedict 
1 R Brown 

Mali Benedict 

.Val'er Brig^s 

Earn Benedict 

U • r Dibble 

J >hn Foot 

N S Penney 

John W. Gould 

Ebeuezer Hack, jr. 

Aaron Hoyt 

'/■ Joyce 

Jonathan Lygett 

Zalmon Lyon 

JohnrMurpbey 

David S Mygidt 

Joseph Moore 

Aaron Nichols 

Thomas R Peck 

Wm. Peck 

JoM Smith 

Hugh Starr 

John P. Smith 

E' 1 azer, Sprague 

Samuel Tweedy 

James B Weed 
Durham, A*. Y. 

T. H Bagley 

Thos. Carter, jr. 

Win. T. Howell 

John Shafeth 
Vincent StilwUl 

Els •• ler 
A. Van Tassell 



Deposit, JV. Y j 
Wm Boiler 

End Windsor 
Timothy Allyn 
Renin- j' Reed 
Wilbur 
Last Hurl ford 
JDarda Bid well 
OBlecta Kiibourn 
Daniel Marsh, 2d. 
!J. C. Pitkin 

Enfield 
[Nahum Kir.s 
;Ab(.er Russell 
(Dnarles Rudd 
Ebeuezer Richardson 

Farmihglon 
.lame- K Camp 
A W Langdon 
Lemuel Whitman 

Fairfield 
Air'- Burr 
Ephraim Ginnings 
Jonathan Lewis 
Goshen 
Lewis C. VVadhams 

Gtnslenhury 
Davii! Porter 

Greemvieh. JV Y 
John Williams 

Greenville. JV. Y 
[Gideon Cobb 
Joshua NHson 
[Reuben Rundle, jr. 

Hartford 
Silas Andrus — 200 
Augustus Andross 
Harry Burr 
Thomas Cooley 
Oiin Day 
James P< ster 
Ephraim Goodwin 
Wm S. MaT&h— 1000 
Alfred Mills 
Wm. J. M'Cready 
Joshua Miliar 
Frederick Robins 
Wm. Russ.ell 
Amareth Smith 
Elijah Smith 



John Steele, 2d. 

Wm Thompson 

Horace Wells 
Vm Wtare 

Hartrinton 

Frederick Phelps 

David Wooiiin 

Hudson JV. Y. 

Kichard Barker 

Henry Bun-hstead 

Jerod Coffin 
! ihn G. Davis 

\ L Fonda 

Elias Hopkins 

John W Jenkins 

Samuel Munson 

He»>ry Miner 

C. G Pi ok ham 

Wnhn Padd ck 
Sludley 
Frederick Sfnrr 

Lemuel Steele, jr. 

jj D W Williams 
L' man Webster 

llarpersfuld, JV. Y. 
James Auslin 
lames Bell 
Jacob Foote 
Thomas Hendry 
Mathew Lindley 
Th< mas Maxon 
Vbner Mack 
Daniel Matthews 
Bbenezer Pennfield 
Prunian Peuufiekl 
E Wilcox 

Huntington 
Hez< kiah Marsh 
Ilmnden 
Rev E B Coleman 

Hillsdale. JV. Y. 
George Allen 
Reymond Hadsit 
Z-idock Knapp 
Stephen W Murray 
Daniel Mun house 
B' > jamiq Tiffanny 
Kimlerliook. JY I 
Jacob I) Crofman 
Aaron Gardnicr 



SUBSCRIBERS NAMES, 



K> 



Peter Ralmnn 

Stephen Sallet 

Caleb Thomas 

Thomas Tillsoo 

Henry J Vos burgh 
Litchfield 

Luman Agard 
.Silas Bigelow 
E. W". Bolies 
Raphael Beach" 
Samuel Bradley 
H Bulkley 
Samuel Barber 
Beuj. Bissel 
James Carman 
Thos. Crosby 
John Churchill, jr. 
Ems Fnnnons 
Jacob Griswold, jr. 
Morgan Griswold 
Arthur O Hard 
K Laurence, jr. 
John Landon 
Jacob Norlhrop 
Hainan Osborn 
Elijnh Phelps, jr 
Jusiah Parks 
John Palmer 
Emanuel Russell 
Win. Revv 
James Stone, 2d. 
Julius Stone 
Eli Taylor 
Asahel Towner 
Jaioes Tryon 
E B Whitman 
David We sels 
William Ward, jr. 
Curlis Williams 
Jonathan Wright; 2d. 

Lansingburgk, N. Y. 
J hn B« ntley 
Joseph Chout 
John P. Chout 
John DnftVy 
Levi Eastman 
Joshua Gritlm 
Isaac Uasbrook 
Sheldon Judson 
Reuben Kine: 



j|J L Lansing 
David AP Murray 
,1 1, M'DonaW 
Charles Olusted 
T. B Payne 
John Wright 

Lenox, Mass. 
Francis Douglass 
Isaac H.lls 

Lee. Mass. 
Samuel Bayard 
I siah Hadlock 
misha Whiting 

Mttusfield 
Stephen G. Fields 
l-a Stafford 
Samuel F Reed 
Mi/ford 
Sam. Buckingham, jr. 
Everett Baldwin 
Dan Bassett 
Anthony Bristol 
Jonah Clark 
Garry Gillett 
N >ah Kelsey 
Muses Mallory, jr. 
Peter Merriman 
Isaac Tibballs 
Rufus Tibballs 

Middletown 
Clark &. Lyman. 353 

MiUihfuu,N Y. 
Reuben Randall 

Montgomery, V. r. 
John A: ; dr>ss 

New Hartford 
Ira Hubbell 
Saltu >n Johnson 
Richard Lane 
Gilbert Smith 

Northampton, Mass. 
Vretus BHden 
Vescot Bartlett 
Jursham Clark 
Vbel Marsh 
White Osborn 
>'iver Pommy 
}»*orge Parsons 
Vta W Partridge 
John Woodard 



Netv-Milf&rd 

Israel Gi ,t 

Marcus Lock ui)d 

J .siah />• ckw ood 

Orange Merwin 

iizra Noble 

i\ m. S Oimsted 

liii Siarr 

Webb 

Henry Wrme 

Henry Warner 

U range Warner 

Asa Warner 

David Warner 
New- Haven 

Chauocey Allen 
Nt wtown 

James Foot 

Harry Finch 

Reuben Northrop 
New Lebanon 

filly W Monroe 
L'owman 
Nassau, N. Y. 

Blijah Adams 

Ruua Adams 
Gideon Barber 

Francis Deane 
Orrin Harraan 
Thomas Rosekrans 
G Smith 

New- Baltimore, N. Y 
David Adams 
Win. P. Capper 
[Jonathan David 
(Isaac Titus 
Samuel Williams 

Orford 
Socrates Ralcam 

Owego, N. Y. 
Elisha Bundy 
C. C R Creag 
Jedediah Hunt 
Leonard Mack — 1 1 
John Ripley 

alhaniel Sackett 
James Wright 

Ortvel, Pa. 
!john Cowles 
Theron Darling 



468 



SUBSCRIBERS NAMES. 



Amasa Dimick 
Wm S Eastabrooks 
Lemuel Streater 
Plymouth 
Sheldon Bidwell 
Led ley Woodward 
Piltsfield, Mass. 
Budon Baker 
Elijah Biegs Jr. 
Spencer Clark 
Orrin Goodrich 
Gilbert Graham 
Wm. Gay, Jr 
Edward Lynch 
Lyman Peaborty 

Richmond. Mass 
Heman Gaston 

Rutland, Ma3S. 
Artemus ^lair 

Roxhury 
Asuf Bas&i\l 

Sulton, Mass. 
Timothy M Naman 

Suflield 
Thad.us G a ger 
Levi Hart 
Jesse Homieson 
Th -mas J u&Uiiig 
Efisha Paiiiialee 
Horace S^e 'on 

Sprit i r jield, Mass 
Arthur A .tlrus 
Daniel Austiu, Jr. 
Daniel Ashley 
Oliver Allen 
Timothy Allen 
Freeman Al'yn 
Aaron Burriel 
Alfred Bates 
Erastus C Baker 
Benj \. Bennett 
Charles Burnam 
E W Bliss 
Wm Ball 
Abner Crain 
Elam Chaffee 
Joshua Crosby 
Samuel Chandler 
John Crook 
Elijah Cutler 



Nathan Crocker 
Curtis S. Chapio 
James Chapman, Jr. 
Joseph Carew 
Joshua Childs 
O Di'kinson 
Julius Dart 

anford D^rt 
Calvin Eaton 
Aflanijah Foote 
Noali Foote 
Lewis Foster 
Calvin Gay 
Georg* Hunt 
Joseph Hopkins 
Ramsey Hall 
Zenas Hancock 
James Hassett, Jr. 
Luther Hitchcock 
Michael Hancock 
Luke Junes 
Parmenus King 
Win. Loyd 
David Leonard 
Charles Laihrop 
Enoch Ludenton 
iMoses Leonard 
Eh Moore 
Jason Mills 
^:'»uel Nobles, Jr. 

icliard Orchard 
.Si< phen Popkins 
Jacob Perkins 
John Patrick 
' Daniel Prince 
lesse Pomroy 

• • Parsons . 
Benj. Phelps 
Ezra Richmond 
pmuy Russell 
Ge rge Reynolds 
Rufus Richardson 
Simon Sanborn 
Calvin Shattuck 
Perez Smith 
Horace Stebbins 
Austin Stedman 
|B S 'Puffs 
jEber Ward 
[Samuel Wardwell 



Theodore White 
.Nathan M Wood 
Sheffield 
Neal M'Keever 
Sherman 
Jesse G Killam 

Stockbridge, Mass. 
Wm Greenleaf 
Elijah Gibbs 
Jonathan Ingersoll 
James Miller 
jE B Pomroy 
Levi Sheoard 

Somers 
iirr'm Clark 
Vashni Hall 
Austin Pitkin 

Slephentown, A'. Y. 
Peleg S Carr 
Caleb Carr 
J. Carpenter 
Herman Darling 
B T Green 
Jerot! Harrison 
George Holcomb 
Wm. Kendall 
Samuel Post 

Sand Lake, JV. Y. 
David Arnold 
Henry O Blunt 
Albert Bennett 
Wm D Butts 
John Bowers 
Henry Ciperly 
Lan) Ferry 
Silas Hawley 
George Steele 
Edmund Stoddard 
Adams Stone 
John Stevens, jr. — 6. 
Belden Taylor 

Torrirtfrford 
Cyrus Bissell 
Horace Gillet 

Vlfred Mills 
John Rood 
Samuel Woodward 

Troy, N. Y. 
Joel Akerly 
Abraham Brower 



SUBSCRIBERS NAMES. 



4W 



Walter Bugler 
Win P Davis 
Epnraim Bacon Jr. 
Peter Earl 
Miua Hytta 
John James 
George W. Keach 
Eieakiin Meeker 
Nathan Stone 
Samuel Smith 
J. P Sheldon 
John Winn 
Francis V Yronnet 

Tioga, N.Y. 
G. H Barstow 
John Eastabrooks 
Miles Forrnan 
John Russell 
Ira Ransom 
B. J. Woodruff 
Thomas Wright 

Union, N. Y. 
Silas P. TruesUale 
John La Grange 
Vernon 
Habb Wyllis 

IV instead 
J. M. Brooks 
Jesse Byington 
Stephen Cables 
S. &. M Camp 
Benj. Jennings 
Amasa Mallory 
Josiah Smith Jr. 
Riley Whiting 

Windsor 
Samuel Brown 
Thomas Barber 
Martin Ellsworth 
Almeriu Giliett 
Isaac Heyden 
Elisha Moore 
Daniel Porter 
John Palmer 
Henry Ruick 
Henry Stiles 

Wintonbury 
Samuel Brown 
Asabal Clark 2 
Benj. Graham 



Isaac Harden 

West Hartford 
\. & R. Seymour 
Vbsalom Stedman 
- >hn C. Stanley 
.iiram Sedgwick 
John Wattles 

Woodbury 
sewis Beers 
> >hn Chatfield 
lauiel Huntington 
Samuel Jones 
James Judson Jr. 
J »seph M. Palmer 
\sahel Strong 
i\. C. Sanford 

Watertown 
Joseph P Bronson 
Christopher Merriam 
James Merriam 
Elijah Merriam 
Charles Merriman 
Joel P Richards 
Vsa Welton 
Henry Warren 

Waterbury 
fclliel Mann 

Washington 
John B. Allen 
Sherman Bassett 
Lemon Canfield 
Hermanns Marshall 
Henry Piatt 
Joeiah Reynolds 
Silas Tracey 
Nathaniel Taylor 
Mar i in Whitlesey 

Watterford, N. Y. 
Manoah Brace 
Zophar Beach 
J H Douglass 
Wm. Fowler 
P. H Harris 
J H. Mabbeth 
lN^ Payne Jr. 
Wm. Russell 
John Robson 
David Spencer 
N. G Vanderburg 
Truman Webster 



i, Windsor, N. Y. 
George Harper 

Westorlo. JV. Y. 
James Biliings 
Henry Clark 
Franklin roster 
J hn Green Jr. 
Dauiel Gardnier Jr. 
Daniel Huyck 
Zenos W. Lay 
Wm M'Clure 
David Rugar 
Frederick Rosekranse 
D J. D Verplank 
W. Springfield, Masc. 
Benj Ashley Jr. 
Genubeth Bliss 
Hosea Bliss 
Hiram Baggs 
Samuel Carter 
Daniel Dole 
Waterman Ellis 
James Kent 
Owen Loomis 
Gaius Munger 
John Porter 
George Phelps 
John Rockwell 
Jerry Stebbins 
Wm. Tinker 

Wysox, Pa. 
Clarisa W Barstow 
Cyp Grant 
Godfrey Vouch 
Amherst 
H. James &. S. Morton 

dshford 
Elisha Kinney 
Erastus Stebbins 
Caleb Lewis 
Samuel Collins 
Frederick Cutler 
Andrew Perkins 
Job Wheaton 
Simeon Staples jr. 
George Nichols 
Leonard Simmon? 
Barkhwnsled 
Truman Walling 
George Deming 



470 



•SUBSCRIBERS NAMES. 



Bellows Falls 
William Lowell 
Oi rio Sikes 

Barre 
Joseph SeKon 

Canaan 
Oren Perry 
Albe;t Keys 
Nathl Foster 
Nehpmiah Hubbell 
Silas Cook 
Loft Kingsbury 
Frederick J Fane 
W Mead 
Lawrence Mix 
Solomon Petts 
Jared Hinsdale 
MIcah B Welton 
H' rman Hinsdale 
Sanuel Ferguson 
S< bastian C Dean 
Salter Hewit 
Bradford Dean 
Is.iai' .Mix 
Chas Rundall.jr. 
Colebrook 
Eli Marshall 
AH»n Deraing 
Samuel Barber 
Michael Grmell. jr. 
Barnes Hubbard 
Jared Rexford 
Elisha Loomis 
Stephen Hart 
Joel Loomis 
En-'S North 
Beth Dart 
R man Perry 
Chtuncey Peny 
Reuben Bolles, 2d. 
Win Pierpont, 2d. 
Hubbell West 
Thomas Simons 
Elisha Howell 

Canton 
John Colyer, jr. 
James Colyer 

Cornwall 
Wrn Bennett 
Frederick Main 



Edmund Cole 
Joel Barnes 
Josiah Dean 
David W Norton 

C/aremont jV.H. 
loses Gay 
George W Farge 
Uriel I) i- an 
David Hitchcock 
Charles Higbejr 
Joseph Whitmore 
Benedict Tyler 
Bela I Shury 
Charles Stearnes 

Charleston N. II. 
Hi chard M'e Crae 
losiah Hartjr 

CrarigUm (R. I ) 
Philip Waver 

Chelsea 
Harvey Hale 

Clmrfet- n 
William Philips 
Dudley 
Ephraim Unham 
Barlow S. Wild 
Kphraim \dams 
Jacob C. Gould 
Joseph Si-hol field 
Daniel Mullet 

Douglass 
S onuel H dbrook 
R riJAinin Cras;gen 
' nnforr Gould 
Phomas P Gordon 
\nos Alareh jr. 
Calvin Gould 

f issppb Lee 

John /Jalcomjr. 
D 8 Row - m 
Stephen Kemfson 
Theodore Stone 
Moses Knap 
Rufus Gould 
Allen Siarnes 
Elias Guild 
R .bert W Rammett 
Liherty FP"o©d 
Samuel B Goddard 
/Jowdoin Zfrostow 



IDexter Shove 
Comfort B Thorpe 
Charles Martin 
Reuben White 
John Andrews 
Vlelcome Whipple 
Sylvanus Cone 
Arnold I inoar 
Moses Taft 
Levi Hubbard 
Nelson Thaj er 
Preston Wiimortb 
George Doud 
Elisha Thayer 

East Hartford 
I >^l Simonds 
Roswell Williams 
Russell Buriiham 
Giles Biirnham 
\u^ti?i Braes 

Ellington 
Rufus Parsons 
Granby 

I Iphens Bartlett 
Reuben Case 
Nathan Gillett 
Clark Ri e 

Goshen 

Vnman Siarr 

Thomas Mun«on 
Viles Thompson 
B "edict Sweet 
H ace Cook 

lah North 
Hiram Cobb 
Julius Gri-wold 
Phineas Cook 

Tracy Cook 
Wrn Br vvn 
Charles F Butlei 
Jndah Lewis 

Viiirustus Miles 
iLadowiek Denison 

Granville 
[Waterman Corthen 

Hartford 
[John W S 'eetlaud 

Hart land 
Jonathan Bugly 
JE. Spooner 



SUBSCRIBERS NAMES. 



471 



Aaron Millard jr. 
Joseph Amsdeo jr. 
James B Sumner 
Petrr Gebson 
Zebina Lull 

Hartford VI. 
Asa Kemball 
Jonathan W Gay- 
David Masson 
rd Kibbe 
Job Densmore 
Nathan Hayes 
Joseph M Buukland 
David TrumbuM 
Harvey Bruce 
George E. Wales 
Moses Marsh 

Johunion. R. I. 
George R. Stone 
Isaac Harris 
William Waterman 
Mo way llembatl 
J. ib. Waterman 
John B Brown 
Harry Smith 
Russell Dudley 
William Cullru 
S J R Bowen 
Phelps Mowny 
John Haris 
C. Cobgrave 
Alfred Alarich 
J. D Kumbale 
A J. G. Sea ham 
G. B. Hutching 
Killing! y 
John W. Cook 
Olney Williams 
Spencer Lain 

Kent 
Jesse Higgins 
Ira Judd 

Tollman A Chambler 
William Ross 
Bethel Smith 
Samuel Green 
Sam. Stuart 

Ke.ene 
Janes Wells 
/osiah Wood 



Wm. Sawyer 
Calvin Ward 
intone Helt 
ifihn W Eaton 
David barker 
las Perry 

Ludlow 
/oseph Sheldon 

Lebanon N. H. 
Banter Skinner 
Montague 
Hosea Dennis 

Monson 
Thos Riddle 
Elisha Rider 
Augustus Stebbins 
Sidney Pesro 
■union Buurgfed 
E U. A. Whiting 
Surd Wells 
Jalvin Gibbs 
f$aml Patten 
Enoch Noyes 
ijyril B. Aldrich 
.', man ClafTen 
/ hn Cadwell 

Norlhjiehl 
/ -hn Abbott 
/ .dm fiowers 
Eb. Nightingale, jr.— J* 
Jesse Thompson 

New Marlborough 
tym Abbott 
Reuben Pettis 
Burr Sc Adams 
Salmon Mason 
Isaac Cleveland 
Edwin Benton 
Danie! Taft 
David Foster 

New Hartford 
Aaron Merrill 
E Spencer 

North Bridge 
Toe I Laikey 
Lyman Fay 
S L. Alarich 
Sam Whiting 
fDanford Draper 
(John Sabin 



Oxford 
rileston Bacon 
krnold Jihnson 
Eli E Burt 
J >hn Barns 
/ ihn Tyron 
Welcome Gane 
Milliard Howland 
./ hn Hammond 
/oseph Mungar 
Ebenezdr Emerson 
William Clark 
Stephen Davis 
ttussell Clark 
Charles P Nichols 
Samuel Rich 
Otis 
Abner Loveland, jr. 

Plymouth 
James H Spithead 

Palmer 
Danl. Sbeaner 
John Frink 
Elisha Cleveland 
Ezekiel Terry, jr 

PalU n 
Cephas Mills 

Pomfret 
John Richmond jr. 
G| Joseph Hecrington 
John Kelly 
Sylvester Stanley 
Benjamin C Richmond 

Providence 
William Shelden 

Sandisjteld, Mass, 
Ira French 
Alpheus Persons 
Silves Smith 
Samuel Wolcott 
Joseph Wolcott 
Harmon Bosworth 
ibner Sherwin 
James Burt 

Sharon 
Thos Miller 
Tfrowbridge Lockwcor 
Chas. R Brown 
Mather Dibble 
Wm. William? 



472 



subscribers' names. 



N Yeomans &c Curtis: 
John A. Elliott 
Clark Sherwood 
E. Reed & Wilkins 
Sylvester Wheeler 
Samuel Strong 

Salsbury 
Chas Wright 
Ed.vardN HoIIey 
Benjamin Hmman 
Chauncey Bragg 
Stephen Panerson 
"Wendall King 
Benjamin G. Olmsted 

Sulton 
Jonathan Howard 
Samuel Williams 

Sheffield 
Lott Taft, jr 
Heher Bosworth 
PJin Brigham 

Stafford 
Cyrus Thompson 
Samuel Bla^ jr. 
Joseph N Whales 
David Copeland 
Calvin S.nith 
Eli Bodges 
Calvin talker 
Somers 
Lyman Kibhe 
Samuel McNary 
Edward Colton 

Srvanzey 
David Twitchet 
Joseph Cross, jr. 

Southtvick 
Orrin Carrington 
Eliukim Sriles 
Aaron French 
James Stocking 
Jacob Bvckman 

Simsbury 
Thaddeus Tuller, jr. 
Luther B irber 
Loren Weston 

Smith field 
Alexander Tnain 
Alexander C. ?Fitt 
Chester Manu 



(John S. Dudley 
v Bullard 
1 Pratt 
j Mney Esbu 
J hn Drake 
"G. A Tripp 
Gril Flint 
Robert Cook 
^biather White 
Dauiel Theny 
Thomas Bettlehill 

Sturbridge 
Ezckiel Bullarld Jr. 

Sutton 
Sam. Burt 
John Vant 
Va'haniel Putnan 
J hn Puiuan 
Bufttf Sibiey 

Thoinpson 
)finiel Perren jr. 
''►hn Jacobs 4th. 
lohn Houghton 
i-aac E'lis 
I K Jeffs 
Lewis Haywood 
Solomon Newell 
eth Trip 

Tolland 
Erastus Stores 
Hezekiali Nye 
Orren Hatch 
IFm. Cliapman 
•spencer Aldin 

Torrington 
Gurdon Brown 
Samuel Spencer 
Uri Taylor 
Nathan Gillett 
Vbijah Osborn 
Ourtiss Tuttle 
Torace Cowles 
Thomas Hurlbut 
Eii Tutlle 
Preston Pond 
\Fanson H Kingsbury 
"l 'uben Loomis 
Oiijah Pond, jr. 
>Vrirren Loomis 
\Vm. Cheiaew 



Barzilla Blake 
Jame- Etfgleston 
Oliver Loomis 
Demas Coe 
£. Loomis 

Winchester 
Allyn Jewett 
[John P. Ovortt 
John H Storrs 
Jesst Williams 
Selab Austin 
Charles C. Caul 
Ward Walton 
Barney Mc Manus 
John Perkins 
Reuben Champion 
Wilham Bolles 
Nehemiah Johnson 
Selden Wellon 
James Wright 
Elias Tyrrell 
Asa Mallory 
Alexander Cleveland 
Moses Hay den 
Daniel White 
Oliver White 
Elijah Pinney 
Zenas Wilson 
William More, jr. 
\lpheus Moore 
Isaiah Tuttle 

Westjield 
lafeth Stiles 
Jacob Noble 
Hezekiah Farmer 
Henry Fowler 
David King 
John W. Taylor 
Roswell Dewey 
Benjamin Hastings 
Joel Farnamon 
Williams Fowler 
Aaron G Fish 
Warham Sacket 
L Clark 
Aaron Sacket 
Royal Fowler 

West Springfield 
Jacob Hatheway 



